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POLITICS

Westerwelle’s taboo travels

Homophobia didn’t disappear once Guido Westerwelle became Germany’s foreign minister. But questions about him promoting personal interests on official trips abroad have nothing to do with him being gay, argues Tissy Bruns from Der Tagesspiegel.

Westerwelle’s taboo travels
Photo: DPA

Having members of minority groups in positions of leadership in Germany is still neither commonplace nor totally accepted. There were plenty of female politicians before Angela Merkel, yet many found the idea of a woman chancellor unimaginable – including members of her own conservative Christian Democrats.

The fact that her husband had to play the role of ‘First Lady’ was equally unusual, which is surely one of the reasons why he is frequently unwilling to make public appearances on Merkel’s official travels.

In contrast, “Mr. Mronz,” as Germany’s openly gay foreign minister likes to call his partner, has often been present when “Mr. Westerwelle” – as Michael Mronz always address him – takes official trips abroad.

They refer to each other in this distanced way in order to conceal – and protect – their private relationship. This formal distance repudiates its exceptional nature. The public knows that Mronz and Westerwelle are a couple. But can we measure a partnership which is consciously and subconsciously discriminated against by the same yardstick as we would measure a “normal” couple?

The answer is unambiguous. We have to, especially in a case of a government official. Holding a public office demands a strict division between private and public interests, and that holds for men, women, homosexuals and heterosexuals. But Westerwelle has simply chosen to reject accusations of a conflict of interest.

He refuses to give concrete answers to concrete allegations, but instead hides behind previous foreign ministers who also “more or less used” the opportunities to take their spouses with them overseas. Apparently Mronz accompanied Westerwelle in his personal capacity as his partner – but why did he then pay his own travel costs?

This information only came to light after many days of public debate – just like the illuminating fact that Mronz was on the trip to pursue his own interests. Westerwelle’s companion is travelling on business – for a good cause perhaps, but certainly not in the name of the Federal Republic of Germany.

As a board member of the charity Ein Herz für Kinder (A Heart for Children), Mronz wants to use state visits as an opportunity to work for the needs of children. He announced this in an interview in the tabloid Bild, a newspaper that serves as the charity’s mouthpiece, giving both parties an excellent opportunity to promote their respective philanthropic efforts. But there are also unanswered questions about whether he used the trips as platform for his role as a sporting events promoter.

As leader of the pro-business Free Democratic Party, Guido Westerwelle likes to create a stir – his motto these days seems to be “cheekiness wins!” The recent furore about his welfare comments showed that he knows how easy it is to stand there like a brave warrior, claiming to be walled in by taboos where none exist. Yet now, as foreign minister and vice chancellor, the great taboo-breaker is fending off accusations of colliding interests by playing the political correctness card – and not just once, but twice.

A gay couple concerned for the plight of disadvantaged children? Isn’t that an almost irresistible call for public opinion to be PC? No, it isn’t. It’s an old leadership trick used by those who have been shut out in the past. Things getting uncomfortable up at the top? Gently remind everyone of old discrimination.

But Westerwelle is Germany’s vice chancellor. And he must explain himself.

This commentary was published with the kind permission of Berlin newspaper Der Tagesspiegel, where it originally appeared in German. Translation by The Local.

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POLITICS

ANALYSIS: What’s at stake in Germany’s eastern state elections?

After success in Thuringia and Saxony, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) may well come in first in another eastern state election this Sunday. We spoke with a political scientist to analyse what's at stake as Brandenburg goes to the polls.

ANALYSIS: What's at stake in Germany's eastern state elections?

German politics’ “eastern September” is set to finally end Sunday – with more ruminations and reflections likely to come about the recent fortunes of the far-right AfD at the ballot box.

If current polls are anything to go by, the AfD could come in first in the eastern state encircling Berlin – which counts Potsdam as its capital.

After overtaking the governing Social Democrats (SPD) in a recent shock poll, the party is currently at around 28 percent, compared to the SPD on 25 percent. The centre-right Christian Democrats come in at 16 percent in the latest poll and the left-populist Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) – named after its founder – charts in at 14 percent.

The remaining parties come in much lower – with the Greens, Left and liberal Free Democrats all facing possible ejection from the state parliament.

Another victory for the AfD – or even a strong showing should the SPD still manage a narrow surprise win – will certainly boost the far-right’s confidence, after it came in first in Thuringia and second in Saxony earlier this month, following state elections that saw all three of Germany’s federally governing parties take massive losses.

Thuringia and Saxony results will likely hang over Brandenburg on Sunday – with Germany’s governing parties, many everyday Germans, and foreigners all watching with some trepidation. Here’s what to watch out for following the Brandenburg result.

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

A newly confident AfD insists it must be part of government

The AfD has repeatedly argued that it must be considered as a possible coalition partner to join German governments – whether at the federal, state, or local level. 

“There are no politics without the AfD,” its co-leader Tino Chrupalla said following the Thuringia results. However, all other parties have explicitly refused to work with the AfD to form a governing coalition – meaning that as high as its results this month have been, they fall well short of the absolute majority that would be required to govern alone.

READ ALSO: ‘We need change’: Germany’s far-right eyes power after state election win

However, its getting more difficult to form coalitions to keep the AfD out, with the centre-right CDU in Thuringia even open to governing with the leftwing populist BSW after mainstream parties like the Greens and FDP were thrown out of state parliament entirely.

University of Mainz political scientist Kai Arzheimer, who specialises in the German far-right, says whether the far-right ever get into a German government or not depends mostly on whether – and how – the CDU is willing to work with the AfD.

Thuringia election results on a screen

People watch the first exit polls results for Thuringia’s state elections come in at the State Parliament in Erfurt on September 1st, 2024. Photo by Joerg CARSTENSEN / AFP

“For the time being, it should be able to form coalitions against the AfD, even if they are rather awkward,” says Arzheimer, who adds that even the different regional chapters of the CDU may have different opinions about working with the AfD.

“Within the eastern state parties of both the CDU and the FDP, there seems to be some appetite for coming to an arrangement with the AfD. While a formal coalition would probably split either party, we have already seen some tentative moves towards an informal cooperation.”

Ultimately, the Brandmauer or “firewall” concept in German politics – in which all other parties refuse to work with the AfD – may end up coming under increasing stress on the back of eastern state election results, where governing with the far-right no longer becomes unthinkable.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

What the mainstream parties take from eastern election results

It’s probably no coincidence that Germany’s ruling government decided to re-institute border controls at its land borders with other EU states shortly after the AfD topped the Thuringia state poll, according to Arzheimer, who says the elections are just the latest in a number of things at work when if comes to Germany’s migration debate.

“The border controls, the plans for the stricter enforcement of repatriation orders, and most of all the government’s harsher rhetoric are as much a reaction to Saxony and Thuringia as they are an attempt to control the fallout from the Solingen knife attack and a response to the whole ‘debate’ on immigration,” he says.

“Many experts seem to agree that they are neither practical nor that useful, and introducing them more or less overnight smacks of a degree of panic.”

READ ALSO: Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Polls conducted following the election found that migration and internal security issues were big drivers of the AfD vote – despite these being issues for the national, rather than regional, government. 

Of the AfD voters in Thuringia, more than 70 percent said either migration or crime and internal security played the largest role in influencing their vote. Slightly less than ten percent said social security. Despite the AfD’s pro-Russian views, only three percent of AfD voters in Thuringia said Germany’s support of Ukraine decisively influenced their votes.

Besides the mainstream parties like the SPD reacting with spur-of-the-moment migration policies, the Brandenburg result may end up putting pressure on Chancellor Olaf Scholz from within his own SPD.

Brandenburg SPD’s Dietmar Woidke may still be able to hold onto the premiership, but he has said he will resign if he doesn’t beat the AfD outright. Should he lose, calls may grow louder within the SPD for Scholz to resign himself – or at least declare that he won’t stand as a chancellor candidate again.

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany

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