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IMMIGRATION

Waiting to be smuggled into Austria

Asadullah, a 23-year-old Afghan man, wears a broad smile that belies his circumstances. Shivering in an abandoned brick factory, he waits to be smuggled across the nearby border into Hungary, gateway to his real destination – Austria.

Waiting to be smuggled into Austria
Photo: UNHCR/McKinsey

"We must be happy," he says. "If I'm sad I can't continue."

It's been a tortuous journey. Clinging to the shadows, walking for days and nights, at other times on horseback, he's come from Afghanistan to Iran, through Turkey, Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to Subotica in Serbia. Hungary is tantalizingly close.

Along the way he claims he's seen 20 of the people he was travelling with shot at a border crossing. He's been caught by authorities once, spent nine months in jail, but never lost hope that the smugglers who charged him US$4,500 would get him into Austria.

Asadullah joins the hundreds of thousands of migrants and asylum-seekers who have come to Europe so far this year. Whether fleeing persecution or seeking a better life, many of them have no choice but to turn to smuggling rings. Earlier in the day, he reports, a group of Syrians left the brick factory for Hungary.

"Due to inadequate regular and safe options to access asylum and protection, we see refugees and asylum-seekers using smugglers and often putting their lives at risk," says Sumbul Rizvi, a UNHCR specialist on mixed migration. "Refugees flee to save their lives. Countries, while protecting their borders, do have obligations to allow asylum-seekers access to the safety and protection to which they are entitled."

Ill-fated journeys across the Mediterranean, where thousands have drowned, have drawn attention to refugees and migrants trying to get to Europe from North Africa and the Middle East. In late November, Pope Francis spoke out for such migrants and said "we cannot allow the Mediterranean to become a vast graveyard."

Asadullah, who has a degree in computer science, says he left behind a wife and nine-month-old daughter. His family sold their land to put together the money to pay the smugglers, who will only receive their entire fee when he reaches his destination across Hungary's so-called "green border."

That's the forest between official border crossings, which Hungarian authorities monitor with cameras during the daytime and heat sensors at night. They report catching 37 migrants in one small hatchback recently; a physician said they would have soon died of suffocation if they had not been rescued.

Those caught crossing irregularly are kept in border police cells for 24 hours. Some 86 per cent apply for asylum and are transferred to reception centres. Hungary expects to receive a record 35,000 applications for asylum this year, but the number who get refugee status is very low. (Those who do not apply for asylum can be prosecuted for illegal entry and deported.)

Ali Alfarhat, a Syrian businessman interviewed in a police cell in Szeged, a Hungarian city some 15 kilometres north of the Serbian border, says he left his war-torn homeland just two months ago. His home city, the Syrian port of Latakia, is held by the Assad government and he said he felt pressured to join the armed forces. "I don't want to go with one side or the other," he says.

Ali says he survived a hazardous sea journey after smugglers punched a hole in their small boat, and believes some passengers drowned. If he gets deported, he says he will go back to Subotica and try again. Hungarian border officials are familiar with the routine. The first words of many caught crossing are often "asylum, asylum," police report.

Some smugglers deceive their clients by leaving them in Bulgaria, for example, and claiming they're in Berlin. But increasingly the "clients" have smart phones with GPS (global positioning system) and know better.

"The smugglers told us, 'Whatever you do, hang onto your phone'," says Asadullah at the brick factory in Serbia. He and his friends have a cell phone charging station to make sure they will not miss instructions from their handlers.

With Asadullah is a 15-year-old Afghan boy, Aminullah, who's been on the road for five months after leaving Afghanistan's Helmand province. He says the Taliban threatened to use him and his older brother– here with him – as suicide bombers. Aminullah says he wants to get to England.

With the sun setting early on a cold winter's day, Aminullah climbs a mountain of large bricks inside a warehouse and shows off a space he's dug out at the top. The bricks look like a very hard bed for the night. "We don't sleep," corrects Asadullah. "We make a fire and wait for the call from the smugglers."

by Kitty McKinsey in Subotica, Serbia

IMMIGRATION

‘Shift to the right’: How European nations are tightening migration policies

The success of far-right parties in elections in key European countries is prompting even centrist and left-wing governments to tighten policies on migration, creating cracks in unity and sparking concern among activists.

'Shift to the right': How European nations are tightening migration policies

With the German far right coming out on top in two state elections earlier this month, the socialist-led national Berlin government has reimposed border controls on Western frontiers that are supposed to see freedom of movement in the European Union’s Schengen zone.

The Netherlands government, which includes the party of Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders, announced on Wednesday that it had requested from Brussels an opt-out from EU rules on asylum, with Prime Minister Dick Schoof declaring that there was an asylum “crisis”.

Meanwhile, new British Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the left-wing Labour Party paid a visit to Rome for talks with Italian counterpart Georgia Meloni, whose party has neo-fascist roots, to discuss the strategies used by Italy in seeking to reduce migration.

Far-right parties performed strongly in June European elections, coming out on top in France, prompting President Emmanuel Macron to call snap elections which resulted in right-winger Michel Barnier, who has previously called for a moratorium on migration, being named prime minister.

We are witnessing the “continuation of a rightward shift in migration policies in the European Union,” said Jerome Vignon, migration advisor at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank.

It reflected the rise of far-right parties in the European elections in June, and more recently in the two regional elections in Germany, he said, referring to a “quite clearly protectionist and conservative trend”.

Strong message

“Anti-immigration positions that were previously the preserve of the extreme right are now contaminating centre-right parties, even centre-left parties like the Social Democrats” in Germany, added Florian Trauner, a migration specialist at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, the Dutch-speaking university in Brussels.

While the Labour government in London has ditched its right-wing Conservative predecessor administration’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda, there is clearly interest in a deal Italy has struck with Albania to detain and process migrants there.

Within the European Union, Cyprus has suspended the processing of asylum applications from Syrian applicants, while laws have appeared authorising pushbacks at the border in Finland and Lithuania.

Under the pretext of dealing with “emergency” or “crisis” situations, the list of exemptions and deviations from the common rules defined by the European Union continues to grow.

All this flies in the face of the new EU migration pact, agreed only in May and coming into force in 2026.

In the wake of deadly attacks in Mannheim and most recently Solingen blamed on radical Islamists, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s government also expelled 28 Afghans back to their home country for the first time since the Taliban takeover of Kabul.

Such gestures from Germany are all the more symbolic given how the country since World War II has tried to turn itself into a model of integration, taking in a million refugees, mainly Syrians in 2015-2016 and then more than a million Ukrainian exiles since the Russian invasion.

Germany is sending a “strong message” to its own public as well as to its European partners, said Trauner.

The migratory pressure “remains significant” with more than 500,000 asylum applications registered in the European Union for the first six months of the year, he said.

‘Climate on impunity’

Germany, which received about a quarter of them alone, criticises the countries of southern Europe for allowing migrants to circulate without processing their asylum applications, but southern states denounce a lack of solidarity of the rest of Europe.

The moves by Germany were condemned by EU allies including Greece and Poland, but Scholz received the perhaps unwelcome accolade of praise from Hungarian right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Moscow’s closest friend in the European Union, when he declared “welcome to the club”.

The EU Commission’s failure to hold countries to account “only fosters a climate of impunity where unilateral migration policies and practices can proliferate,” said Adriana Tidona, Amnesty International’s Migration Researcher.

But behind the rhetoric, all European states are also aware of the crucial role played by migrants in keeping sectors going including transport and healthcare, as well as the importance of attracting skilled labour.

“Behind the symbolic speeches, European leaders, particularly German ones, remain pragmatic: border controls are targeted,” said Sophie Meiners, a migration researcher with the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Even Meloni’s government has allowed the entry into Italy of 452,000 foreign workers for the period 2023-2025.

“In parallel to this kind of new restrictive measures, they know they need to address skilled labour needs,” she said.

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