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POLITICS

Meet the medieval German warlord with a message for modern politicians

In an age of uncertainty and upheaval, it pays to have strong leaders. Perhaps Germany could draw from history for inspiration, says Michael Stuchbery.

Meet the medieval German warlord with a message for modern politicians
The statue of a lion outside Braunschweig cathedral. Photo: DPA

Of course, Henry the Lion (Heinrich der Löwe) who died 824 years ago this week, was a medieval warlord with a penchant for a good scrap, but that doesn't mean he didn't have his good points.

Truth be told, he did have a leg up in life – born around 1129, he inherited both the Duchies of Saxony and Bavaria, a vast expanse of territory encompassing some of the richest land and resources in Europe. 

As a young nobleman in 12th century Europe, Henry was born to a life of fairly constant warfare. Much of his young manhood – indeed, a considerable portion of his adult life – was spent supporting Frederick Barbarossa in his attempts to consolidate and stabilize the Holy Roman Empire. 

This fighting was expensive business, and Henry ended up establishing toll bridges and other revenues to fund his campaigns. In fact one of his projects was established in 1157, in a poky little backwater, that would grow to become Munich.

READ ALSO: Weekend Wanderlust – An ancient seat of wealth and power in Braunschweig

Map showing the areas ruled by Henry the Lion. Photo: Wikicommons

Power couple

In between forays to the frontier of his holdings, and giving the Italian states a good kicking, Henry managed to marry well. After a rather disastrous first marriage to a Swabian noblewoman, Henry married Mathilda, daughter of the English king Henry II, and Richard the Lionheart's sister, in 1168. 

The pair could be called an early version of a power couple. In their capital, today's Braunschweig, they were big sponsors of the arts, education and the development of the city. They had the magnificent Dom, or cathedral built, as well as several other churches, hospitals and other buildings.

To this day, a bronze statue of a lion stands outside the cathedral – the original erected by the man himself.

When Mathilda died young, aged only 33, Henry was heartbroken. Henry eventually withdrew his support for Frederick Barbarossa in 1174 because he wanted to concentrate on defending his own borders. This resulted in him losing most of his lands to the Emperor. Indeed, he was declared an outlaw and had to leave the German lands for a while. 

Picture of Henry the Lion. Photo: Wikicommons

Nonetheless, he did manage to retain some lands and held onto them until he was able to make peace with Frederick. Braunschweig remained his capital throughout the remainder of his life, and centuries after his death in 1195, it remains a powerful centre of education, trade and diplomacy. 

SEE ALSO: Braunschweig: The German city that deserves to be put on the map

Struggling to see what relevance any of this might have to a modern leader? Well, it's like this: Henry's continual investment in his lands, and his balance between military conquest and encouraging the cultural life of his subjects left his realms – even the ones he lost – more developed and stable than when he inherited them. 

21st century leaders need more than a single point vision to create and maintain a thriving environment. One simply can't hope for everything else to fall in to place. Henry, in a similarly fractious age, knew this. 

In the nineties, a beautifully illuminated copy of the Gospel Henry had made in 1170 sold for over eight million pounds, and remains to this day one of Germany's historic treasures – paid for by the descendants of many of his former subjects.

I like to think this shows that over 800 years after his death, Henry's legacy as a leader is very much alive. Can our current crop of politicians hope for anything similar?

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POLITICS

ANALYSIS: What’s at stake in Germany’s eastern state elections?

After success in Thuringia and Saxony, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) may well come in first in another eastern state election this Sunday. We spoke with a political scientist to analyse what's at stake as Brandenburg goes to the polls.

ANALYSIS: What's at stake in Germany's eastern state elections?

German politics’ “eastern September” is set to finally end Sunday – with more ruminations and reflections likely to come about the recent fortunes of the far-right AfD at the ballot box.

If current polls are anything to go by, the AfD could come in first in the eastern state encircling Berlin – which counts Potsdam as its capital.

After overtaking the governing Social Democrats (SPD) in a recent shock poll, the party is currently at around 28 percent, compared to the SPD on 25 percent. The centre-right Christian Democrats come in at 16 percent in the latest poll and the left-populist Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) – named after its founder – charts in at 14 percent.

The remaining parties come in much lower – with the Greens, Left and liberal Free Democrats all facing possible ejection from the state parliament.

Another victory for the AfD – or even a strong showing should the SPD still manage a narrow surprise win – will certainly boost the far-right’s confidence, after it came in first in Thuringia and second in Saxony earlier this month, following state elections that saw all three of Germany’s federally governing parties take massive losses.

Thuringia and Saxony results will likely hang over Brandenburg on Sunday – with Germany’s governing parties, many everyday Germans, and foreigners all watching with some trepidation. Here’s what to watch out for following the Brandenburg result.

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

A newly confident AfD insists it must be part of government

The AfD has repeatedly argued that it must be considered as a possible coalition partner to join German governments – whether at the federal, state, or local level. 

“There are no politics without the AfD,” its co-leader Tino Chrupalla said following the Thuringia results. However, all other parties have explicitly refused to work with the AfD to form a governing coalition – meaning that as high as its results this month have been, they fall well short of the absolute majority that would be required to govern alone.

READ ALSO: ‘We need change’: Germany’s far-right eyes power after state election win

However, its getting more difficult to form coalitions to keep the AfD out, with the centre-right CDU in Thuringia even open to governing with the leftwing populist BSW after mainstream parties like the Greens and FDP were thrown out of state parliament entirely.

University of Mainz political scientist Kai Arzheimer, who specialises in the German far-right, says whether the far-right ever get into a German government or not depends mostly on whether – and how – the CDU is willing to work with the AfD.

Thuringia election results on a screen

People watch the first exit polls results for Thuringia’s state elections come in at the State Parliament in Erfurt on September 1st, 2024. Photo by Joerg CARSTENSEN / AFP

“For the time being, it should be able to form coalitions against the AfD, even if they are rather awkward,” says Arzheimer, who adds that even the different regional chapters of the CDU may have different opinions about working with the AfD.

“Within the eastern state parties of both the CDU and the FDP, there seems to be some appetite for coming to an arrangement with the AfD. While a formal coalition would probably split either party, we have already seen some tentative moves towards an informal cooperation.”

Ultimately, the Brandmauer or “firewall” concept in German politics – in which all other parties refuse to work with the AfD – may end up coming under increasing stress on the back of eastern state election results, where governing with the far-right no longer becomes unthinkable.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

What the mainstream parties take from eastern election results

It’s probably no coincidence that Germany’s ruling government decided to re-institute border controls at its land borders with other EU states shortly after the AfD topped the Thuringia state poll, according to Arzheimer, who says the elections are just the latest in a number of things at work when if comes to Germany’s migration debate.

“The border controls, the plans for the stricter enforcement of repatriation orders, and most of all the government’s harsher rhetoric are as much a reaction to Saxony and Thuringia as they are an attempt to control the fallout from the Solingen knife attack and a response to the whole ‘debate’ on immigration,” he says.

“Many experts seem to agree that they are neither practical nor that useful, and introducing them more or less overnight smacks of a degree of panic.”

READ ALSO: Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Polls conducted following the election found that migration and internal security issues were big drivers of the AfD vote – despite these being issues for the national, rather than regional, government. 

Of the AfD voters in Thuringia, more than 70 percent said either migration or crime and internal security played the largest role in influencing their vote. Slightly less than ten percent said social security. Despite the AfD’s pro-Russian views, only three percent of AfD voters in Thuringia said Germany’s support of Ukraine decisively influenced their votes.

Besides the mainstream parties like the SPD reacting with spur-of-the-moment migration policies, the Brandenburg result may end up putting pressure on Chancellor Olaf Scholz from within his own SPD.

Brandenburg SPD’s Dietmar Woidke may still be able to hold onto the premiership, but he has said he will resign if he doesn’t beat the AfD outright. Should he lose, calls may grow louder within the SPD for Scholz to resign himself – or at least declare that he won’t stand as a chancellor candidate again.

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany

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