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Is it true that France has no age of consent for sex?

France has for many years been the European outlier when it comes to an age of consent.

Is it true that France has no age of consent for sex?
Campaigners in France have long called for an overhaul of the law. Photo: AFP

Until horrifyingly recently, the answer to this question would have been ‘yes, France has no official age of consent for sex’.

However legal changes in 2021 means that the country now does have an age of consent, albeit within a legal framework that many campaigners still consider too lax.

Until April 2021, you could not be convicted of rape based purely on age.

A person having sex with a child could only be convicted of rape if prosecutors could prove violence, coercion, threat or surprise – the same criteria needed to prove rape of an adult victim.

Instead people having sex with children would usually be prosecuted for the lesser offence of having sex with a minor, which carries much lighter penalties than rape – six months to five years in jail as opposed to the 20-year jail term that is the maximum for offences of rape.

However in the spring of 2021, the French parliament passed a new law proposed jointly by Justice Minister Eric Dupond-Moretti and Families Minister Adrien Taquet.

The new law makes any sexual penetration of a person under the age of 15 a crime, without the need to prove coercion or violence.

This is a looser definition than many countries have, as prosecutors need to prove that penetration took place, rather than non-penetrative sexual activity.

The bill also includes a ‘Romeo and Juliet clause’ – requiring an age gap of at least five years between the two people in order to prosecute for rape based purely on age.

The idea is to avoid criminalising sex between two teenagers where one is over 15 and the other is not, but it has been criticised for making the age gap too wide – allowing for legal sex between an 18-year-old and someone who has only just passed their 14th birthday.

How was this not the law until 2021?

There had been previous attempts to set a formal age for lawful sexual intercourse in France, including a bill brought by former equalities minister Marlène Schiappa in 2018. The bill, part of a package of measures on sexual violence, originally included a provision that all sex with a person below the age of 15 would be classified as rape.

However by the time the bill came before parliament this had been watered down and included only the provision of a new offence of ‘sexual penetration of a person under the age of 15’ which carried a lesser penalty than rape.

The law was finally changed after two cases where men escaped prosecution for rape after having sex with girls aged 11, sparking widespread anger around France.

It was initiated by members of the Senate, who had suggested the age of consent be set at 13, which would have been one of the lowest in Europe. But President Emmanuel Macron’s government pushed for it to be set higher.

Is this a major problem in France?

There’s no reason to think that France has more of a problem with child sexual abuse than any other country, but in recent years several high-profile cases have broken through a long-standing culture of silence – or even indulgence – around the subject of child sexual abuse.

A 2020 book written by Vanessa Springora described her abuse as a teenager at the hands of prize-winning writer Gabriel Matzneff, while a book by Camille Kouchner alleged incestuous sexual abuse of her twin brother by high-profile political commentator Olivier Duhamel.

In both cases, the women say that the abuse was known about in the intellectual and social circles in which the men moved. Shortly after Kouchner’s book came out, the intellectual Alain Finkielkraut, interviewed about the case on TV, mused about the ‘consent’ and ‘reciprocity’ between the teenage boy and his stepfather.

More recently, actress Judith Godreche filed a complaint against film director Benoit Jacquot, accusing him of raping her in a relationship that began when she was 14 and he was 39.

Speaking to Le Monde, Jacquot admitted the relationship with the 14-year-old, saying that he was “very much in love” with Godreche and they lived together.

“I was in a very bad way, I didn’t want to make any more films, and she pulled me out of the dark,” he was quoted as saying. “It was me, without irony, who was under her spell for six years.”

Member comments

  1. As mentioned in this article, in the UK, a person who has sex with a minor is automatically accused as rape. And that is how it should be. Even if the minor says that they wanted to have sex, it is forbidden.
    I’m absolutely appalled that France accepts that sex with a minor may be considered consensual. It’s absolutely shocking and I hope this law changes asap.

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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: France has stepped away from the far-right abyss, but into a political morass

As France comes to terms with the shock defeat of the far-right and the dawning of a new type of politics, John Lichfield looks at what will happen next and whether any of the warring political parties in France are likely to compromise.

OPINION: France has stepped away from the far-right abyss, but into a political morass

First of all, congratulations to the people of France.

The crushing rejection on Sunday of an incompetent, divisive, mendacious Far Right – for the third time in seven years – was not the machination of an establishment elite.

Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella’s party was swept to an unlikely third place in the second round of parliamentary elections by a wave of popular revulsion. People voted tactically in their millions for politicians they disliked to defeat politicians that they detested.

The Republican Front, declared to be moribund or riddled with holes, proved far more effective than the politicians or pollsters had thought possible.

As a result, France stepped away from the abyss of government by a racist, anti-European, pro-Russian and incoherent, populist-nationalist Right. Instead, it stumbled into a parliamentary impasse with three blocs of roughly equal size in the National Assembly: the Left alliance (182 seats), the Macronist centre (162 seats) and the Far Right Rassemblement National (143 seats).

What on earth happens now? France, unlike Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland or Germany, has no living memory of broad, political coalitions. It has a parliamentary culture of intransigence and insults, rather than compromise.

The hard left part of the Left alliance, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s La France Insoumise, says that it must pick the next Prime Minister because it won  a few seats more than other left-wing parties in a Popular Front bloc, which itself contains less than one third of the 577 members of the Assembly. Mélenchon  conveniently forgets that the Left, including the LFI, won many of those seats with the help of centrist voters.

The LFI, and the young leftists who celebrated “victory” in Paris last night, have a strange “first-past-the-post” idea of how parliaments work. In truth, Mélenchon knows that he has no chance of choosing the next PM or imposing his deficit-exploding, economic policies. He is stoking the case for the state of grievance on which he thrives.

The best chance of a stable, or even unstable, governing coalition would be an understanding between the more moderate parties of the Left, the Macron alliance and the re-invigorated Gaullist centre-right.

Spokespeople for the Socialists, Greens and Communists on Sunday night appeared to rule out any kind of deal with the Macronist centre. The centre-right ruled out any alliance with anyone.

Ça commence bien.

But the process is only just beginning. Macron’s Prime Minister Gabriel Attal has resigned but will probably have after-life of at least two months as caretaker PM until the new Assembly starts its first full session in September.

He and President Macron will seek exploratory talks with all forces in the lower house of parliament except the Far Right and possibly Mélenchon’s LFI. They will try to identify a potential Prime Minister and the outlines of a programme to address the genuine grievances of French people (high cost of living, low wages, struggling public services).  

The moderate Left  – if it finally agrees to negotiate – will have to split with most of La France Insoumise. That is on the cards anyway. It will insist that it must have the next PM, even though without LFI, it will have a smaller bloc of deputies than Macron.

It will demand the reversal of last year’s pension reform (a no-no for the Centre), higher taxes on the rich and business, a hike in the minimum wage and greater spending on health and education.

It will also demand something else: that any Left-centre alliance (which might just have the numbers for a parliamentary majority) should NOT be an expanded Macron alliance.

They will demand that the new PM have full control over domestic policy and that Macron steps aside and focuses on international and defence policy (where the constitution gives him some direct powers).

Can Macron accept this? Very doubtful. But it will be the price of agreement on a coalition to prevent at least 12 months of paralysis until new parliamentary elections are possible in July next year.

The great flash-points in any coalition negotiations will be the 2025 state budget and France’s pledge to reduce its deficit of 5.1 percent of GDP to 3 percent by 2027. The other, more immediate flash-point, will be the choice of a PM.

The moderate Left will want to promote one of its own, Fair enough. But any deal will depend on whether they can choose a man or woman acceptable to Macron and the Macron troops in the Assembly.  

In sum, a deal will depend on two or three impossible or near-impossible things.

First, that Emmanuel Macron accepts that he is one of the big losers in this election, not a winner just because he forced the French people to disavow the Rassemblement National

Second, that the moderate Left splits with the LFI and accepts that it must compromise (filthy word) and drop the most deficit-exploding parts of the New Popular Front’s programme.

Third, that Macron and the Centre accept that some parts of the Left programme – such as tax rises on the rich, more public spending, a higher minimum wage – must be accepted and somehow sold to Brussels and financial markets.

Good luck, everyone.

For a few days let’s savour while we can the rout of Lepennism and Barsdellism. The pretence of the Rassemblement National to be a professional, moderate party ready to government was exploded in this lightning election campaign.

We should thank Emmanuel Macron for that. He must now accept that Macronism pur et dur is over. A new government – if any government can be agreed at all – must steer cautiously and without misplaced triumphalism to the Left.

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