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ANALYSIS: Germany’s rising Covid cases and state elections mean Merkel’s CDU could be in for a shock

Amidst rising Covid infections and stalled vaccinations, Germany’s “super election year” has kicked off with heavy losses for Merkel’s Christian Democrats in two key state elections. The previously unthinkable possibility of the CDU leaving the Chancellery—or even national government altogether — is no longer off the table, writes Aaron Burnett.

ANALYSIS: Germany's rising Covid cases and state elections mean Merkel's CDU could be in for a shock
CDU candidates hold a meeting in Baden-Württemberg following the announcement of the election results on Sunday. Photo: DPA

Angela Merkel’s handover of power was never supposed to be this messy. Even after her rumoured favourite, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, stepped down surprisingly as CDU Chair in early 2020, many German political observers generally expected the long-serving Chancellor to eventually hand over the country’s top job to a fellow Christian Democrat.

Sunday’s state election results not only throw big questions on those assumptions—but open the possibility that when Merkel leaves government, the CDU follows her out. Following a chancellorship built on Merkel’s brand of stability, the 2021 German national election could ironically be the country’s most unpredictable campaign in a long time.

In 2020, international media outlets sometimes held Germany up as a case study for how western countries could manage the pandemic’s public health and economic fallouts. But it’s a new year—coronavirus cases are rising once again, the country’s slow vaccination rollout isn’t picking up speed, and two CDU/CSU MdBs have resigned following evidence they personally profited from government mask purchases early in the pandemic.

Around half of German voters are now dissatisfied with the country’s overall pandemic management. Three-quarters are discontent with its vaccine rollout. The government’s approval rating has sunk to its lowest level since the pandemic began last year. Lockdown fatigue has set in, with a majority of voters in favour of at least a partial relaxing of restrictions, even with cases rising. 

Against all this, the Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden-Württemberg elections offered one of the best chances for the country’s political parties to gauge public moods before September’s federal vote

Both contests saw the CDU vote share drop to historic lows—while Baden-Württemberg’s Greens netted their best ever election showing at 33 percent of the vote.

READ ALSO: Merkel’s conservatives suffer heavy losses in two German state elections

Sitting Green Premier Winfried Kretschmann is spoilt for choice when it comes to possible coalition partners to join his state government. He could either opt to continue his current “Green-Black” coalition with the CDU—or negotiate a three-way coalition with the Social Democrats and liberal Free Democrats, whose traditional colours are red and yellow, respectively. If he pursues it, expect more German media interviews in the next few months about whether a possible “traffic light” coalition might work nationally.

“It’s clear that it’s possible to achieve majorities without the CDU,” SPD Chancellor candidate Olaf Scholz said of the results. “It’s also possible to govern Germany without the CDU and CSU.”

For now, the liberal FDP is downplaying traffic light expectations—making it clear its cooperation comes at a price. “In coalitions, we take care to ensure that we won’t have higher taxes or absurd bans,” tweeted Marco Buschmann, a high-ranking FDP Member of the Bundestag.

Speaking to public broadcaster ZDF, FDP Leader Christian Lindner laid out the party’s conditions, but left the door open. “The cards are being reshuffled this year, as Ms. Merkel is obviously not running again” he said. “But it’s the [policy] content that’s decisive.”

Recent polls show about a third of Germans would vote for Merkel’s CDU if an election were held now. That’s a figure that leads all other parties and makes it nearly impossible to form a government without it. Yet its numbers have slipped around five percent from what they were less than a month ago.

The CDU is clearly spooked. “If we don’t find our way back to our strengths, then other parties can govern without us,” former CDU leadership contender Norbert Röttgen told ARD.

“A catastrophe for our CDU,” tweeted MdB Kai Whittaker. “No more dull continuity politics. We need a new beginning.”

Yet new CDU Chair Armin Laschet has only been in the job for two months. Where else can Union politicians turn for a fresh start if not to the man they just voted in as their new leader? Based on approval numbers, many might already be tempted to turn away from Berlin and look to Munich for the answer—specifically to Bavarian Premier Markus Söder.

Laschet speaking at a press conference on Monday following the election results. Photo: DPA

In the Bundestag, the CDU bands together with its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union. Before each national election, the two decide on a joint candidate to put forward for Chancellor. Customarily, Laschet would be the Union candidate as CDU Chair. But the Union has opted for a CSU candidate twice before, once in 1980 and once in 2002—losing both times.

With three-quarters of Germans recently surveyed—including CDU voters—reporting that they don’t think Laschet is suitable for the Chancellery, the Union could soon decide their chances are better with Söder.

READ ALSO: Three-quarters of Germans think new CDU leader Laschet ‘not suitable choice for Chancellor’

At a score of 54 percent in early March, only Merkel’s approval rating exceeds Söder’s among Germans nationally, buoyed so far by his strict crisis leadership in Bavaria. His recent public statements on how the country should manage the pandemic suggest he’s testing his potential chances at a national level.

“Vaccination must be faster. We need faster approvals, more time between doses and an export ban for AstraZeneca,” he tweeted just before Germany temporarily suspended the vaccine’s use. “It can’t be that the US hoards all vaccines. A good partnership also means there needs to be a transatlantic approach to vaccines.”

While Söder is vocal on pandemic management issues beyond what might be considered his purview as a German state leader, he’s keeping quiet on whether he in fact intends to run. “There’s nothing new to report on the Chancellor candidate question,” Söder told reporters after Sunday’s state elections. “We’ll be continuing our discussions to decide the best possible lineup we can offer together. We are still two parties who need to come to a common decision.”

Given the CDU’s current downward trend, those discussions with the CSU might become increasingly one-sided the longer the pandemic drags on in Germany. Given Laschet’s image as a candidate representing continuity with the Merkel era, the country’s recent pandemic stumbles may leave the Union deciding that Söder is the only candidate with a profile both large and independent enough for them to keep the Chancellor’s office later this year.

Aaron Burnett is a German-Canadian journalist specialising in international security, as well as European and Canadian politics.

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POLITICS

ANALYSIS: What’s at stake in Germany’s eastern state elections?

After success in Thuringia and Saxony, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) may well come in first in another eastern state election this Sunday. We spoke with a political scientist to analyse what's at stake as Brandenburg goes to the polls.

ANALYSIS: What's at stake in Germany's eastern state elections?

German politics’ “eastern September” is set to finally end Sunday – with more ruminations and reflections likely to come about the recent fortunes of the far-right AfD at the ballot box.

If current polls are anything to go by, the AfD could come in first in the eastern state encircling Berlin – which counts Potsdam as its capital.

After overtaking the governing Social Democrats (SPD) in a recent shock poll, the party is currently at around 28 percent, compared to the SPD on 25 percent. The centre-right Christian Democrats come in at 16 percent in the latest poll and the left-populist Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) – named after its founder – charts in at 14 percent.

The remaining parties come in much lower – with the Greens, Left and liberal Free Democrats all facing possible ejection from the state parliament.

Another victory for the AfD – or even a strong showing should the SPD still manage a narrow surprise win – will certainly boost the far-right’s confidence, after it came in first in Thuringia and second in Saxony earlier this month, following state elections that saw all three of Germany’s federally governing parties take massive losses.

Thuringia and Saxony results will likely hang over Brandenburg on Sunday – with Germany’s governing parties, many everyday Germans, and foreigners all watching with some trepidation. Here’s what to watch out for following the Brandenburg result.

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

A newly confident AfD insists it must be part of government

The AfD has repeatedly argued that it must be considered as a possible coalition partner to join German governments – whether at the federal, state, or local level. 

“There are no politics without the AfD,” its co-leader Tino Chrupalla said following the Thuringia results. However, all other parties have explicitly refused to work with the AfD to form a governing coalition – meaning that as high as its results this month have been, they fall well short of the absolute majority that would be required to govern alone.

READ ALSO: ‘We need change’: Germany’s far-right eyes power after state election win

However, its getting more difficult to form coalitions to keep the AfD out, with the centre-right CDU in Thuringia even open to governing with the leftwing populist BSW after mainstream parties like the Greens and FDP were thrown out of state parliament entirely.

University of Mainz political scientist Kai Arzheimer, who specialises in the German far-right, says whether the far-right ever get into a German government or not depends mostly on whether – and how – the CDU is willing to work with the AfD.

Thuringia election results on a screen

People watch the first exit polls results for Thuringia’s state elections come in at the State Parliament in Erfurt on September 1st, 2024. Photo by Joerg CARSTENSEN / AFP

“For the time being, it should be able to form coalitions against the AfD, even if they are rather awkward,” says Arzheimer, who adds that even the different regional chapters of the CDU may have different opinions about working with the AfD.

“Within the eastern state parties of both the CDU and the FDP, there seems to be some appetite for coming to an arrangement with the AfD. While a formal coalition would probably split either party, we have already seen some tentative moves towards an informal cooperation.”

Ultimately, the Brandmauer or “firewall” concept in German politics – in which all other parties refuse to work with the AfD – may end up coming under increasing stress on the back of eastern state election results, where governing with the far-right no longer becomes unthinkable.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

What the mainstream parties take from eastern election results

It’s probably no coincidence that Germany’s ruling government decided to re-institute border controls at its land borders with other EU states shortly after the AfD topped the Thuringia state poll, according to Arzheimer, who says the elections are just the latest in a number of things at work when if comes to Germany’s migration debate.

“The border controls, the plans for the stricter enforcement of repatriation orders, and most of all the government’s harsher rhetoric are as much a reaction to Saxony and Thuringia as they are an attempt to control the fallout from the Solingen knife attack and a response to the whole ‘debate’ on immigration,” he says.

“Many experts seem to agree that they are neither practical nor that useful, and introducing them more or less overnight smacks of a degree of panic.”

READ ALSO: Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Polls conducted following the election found that migration and internal security issues were big drivers of the AfD vote – despite these being issues for the national, rather than regional, government. 

Of the AfD voters in Thuringia, more than 70 percent said either migration or crime and internal security played the largest role in influencing their vote. Slightly less than ten percent said social security. Despite the AfD’s pro-Russian views, only three percent of AfD voters in Thuringia said Germany’s support of Ukraine decisively influenced their votes.

Besides the mainstream parties like the SPD reacting with spur-of-the-moment migration policies, the Brandenburg result may end up putting pressure on Chancellor Olaf Scholz from within his own SPD.

Brandenburg SPD’s Dietmar Woidke may still be able to hold onto the premiership, but he has said he will resign if he doesn’t beat the AfD outright. Should he lose, calls may grow louder within the SPD for Scholz to resign himself – or at least declare that he won’t stand as a chancellor candidate again.

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany

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