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 ‘An army of low-paid workers’: wealthy Germany’s not so equal

Pharmaceutical dynasty heir Antonis Schwarz is a millionaire. And he wants Germany's next government to tax him more.

 'An army of low-paid workers': wealthy Germany's not so equal
Activists of the anti-poverty international movement ONE project portraits of the SPD chancellor candidate Olaf Scholz (L), Germany's The Greens party chancellor candidate Annalena Baerbock (C), and Germany's CDU chancellor candidate Armin Laschet with a message for the next German chancellor reading "Make the world fairer", on a facade of the Paul Loebe parliamentary complex in Berlin. John MACDOUGALL / AFP

The 33-year-old is a founding member of “Tax Me Now!“, an initiative bringing together 47 of the wealthiest names in Austria and Germany that wants to put social justice at the top of the agenda in Europe’s biggest economy’s election campaign.

Schwarz has given 500,000 euros ($590,780) to the ecologist Greens, offering strong backing for the party that wants to bring back wealth tax, and reform inheritance tax.

The current economic system “pushes money upwards” into the hands of a few people, he said in an interview with public broadcaster ZDF, urging fairer distribution across the population.

As Chancellor Angela Merkel prepares to leave the political scene after the September 26th elections, a glance back at the socio-economic record of her 16-year reign offers a mixed picture.

Under her watch, Germany has regained its spot as Europe’s economic engine, today fully rehabilitated from the “sick man of Europe” image that plagued it in the 1990s and early 2000s.

From 1995 to 2001, Germany grew on average 1.6 percent a year, almost a whole percentage point lower than the rest of the EU at the time, as it absorbed the costs for reunification, and in 2003 it suffered a recession.

But its fortunes turned around, and a yawning gap in well-being between east and west has narrowed, even if differences still persist.

GDP per head in the ex-communist east outside Berlin, under 40 percent of the German average in 1990, was closer to 75 percent in 2021, according to a report by the economy ministry.

But the relative prosperity belies other inequalities that have only worsened in the coronavirus pandemic.

Just one percent of the country’s population controls 35 percent of its wealth, according to a study published in 2020 by the German economics institute DIW.

Deep-rooted poverty
With the pandemic heaping unprecedented economic turmoil on the population, calls have grown for a fairer redistribution of wealth in the country.

READ ALSO: Who is hardest hit by the pandemic financially in Germany?

Besides the Greens, both the poll-topping Social Democrats and the far-left Linke party are in favour of a return of the wealth tax, struck out of the statute books in 1997, or a reform of inheritance tax.

In comparison, Merkel’s conservatives have opposed raising taxes.

And both the SPD and Greens want to up the minimum wage to 12 euros, up from the current 9.60 euros, a remedy in their view to another flaw of the German economic miracle: relatively low pay and precarious employment.

When she came into office, Merkel inherited a set of sweeping reforms aimed at making work more flexible, known as the Hartz laws, from her predecessor social democrat Gerhard Schroeder.

READ ALSO: Germany to raise Hartz IV unemployment benefit by just three euros

The reductions in the length of unemployment benefits and the new conditions attached to them pushed thousands of jobless towards a system of generally poorly paid “mini-jobs”.

The number of people in these jobs increased by 43 percent between 2003 and 2019, up to 7.6 million workers in an active population of 42 million.

But they were taking home small wages.

Hospital on strike
Before the pandemic, around one in six or 15.8 percent of people in Germany lived at risk of poverty — a measure defined as a monthly pay of under 1,040 euros, according to a 2021 study coordinated by the federal statistics agency Destatis. The figure was just under 11 percent in the 1990s.

Among the most vulnerable, the percentage “consistently” faced with the threat of poverty has doubled since 1998.

The success of the Merkel years was built on “an enormous shadow army of low-paid workers”, said sociologist Oliver Nachtwey.

“Almost 20 percent of employees in this country are in this category. If you add part-time jobs to the four million full-time posts, Germany has one of the largest low-paid sectors in the OECD with around eight million people,” he said in an interview with Spiegel weekly.

With a monthly gross salary of 1,850 euros, Suheyla, who does not wish to give her last name, does not think of herself as a “poor worker”.

And yet, as a nurse at one of the biggest hospitals in Berlin, raising two children, she says she has difficulty “getting to the end of the month”.

Suheyla has, along with colleagues, since the beginning of December been striking for better pay and working conditions.

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POLITICS

ANALYSIS: What’s at stake in Germany’s eastern state elections?

After success in Thuringia and Saxony, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) may well come in first in another eastern state election this Sunday. We spoke with a political scientist to analyse what's at stake as Brandenburg goes to the polls.

ANALYSIS: What's at stake in Germany's eastern state elections?

German politics’ “eastern September” is set to finally end Sunday – with more ruminations and reflections likely to come about the recent fortunes of the far-right AfD at the ballot box.

If current polls are anything to go by, the AfD could come in first in the eastern state encircling Berlin – which counts Potsdam as its capital.

After overtaking the governing Social Democrats (SPD) in a recent shock poll, the party is currently at around 28 percent, compared to the SPD on 25 percent. The centre-right Christian Democrats come in at 16 percent in the latest poll and the left-populist Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) – named after its founder – charts in at 14 percent.

The remaining parties come in much lower – with the Greens, Left and liberal Free Democrats all facing possible ejection from the state parliament.

Another victory for the AfD – or even a strong showing should the SPD still manage a narrow surprise win – will certainly boost the far-right’s confidence, after it came in first in Thuringia and second in Saxony earlier this month, following state elections that saw all three of Germany’s federally governing parties take massive losses.

Thuringia and Saxony results will likely hang over Brandenburg on Sunday – with Germany’s governing parties, many everyday Germans, and foreigners all watching with some trepidation. Here’s what to watch out for following the Brandenburg result.

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

A newly confident AfD insists it must be part of government

The AfD has repeatedly argued that it must be considered as a possible coalition partner to join German governments – whether at the federal, state, or local level. 

“There are no politics without the AfD,” its co-leader Tino Chrupalla said following the Thuringia results. However, all other parties have explicitly refused to work with the AfD to form a governing coalition – meaning that as high as its results this month have been, they fall well short of the absolute majority that would be required to govern alone.

READ ALSO: ‘We need change’: Germany’s far-right eyes power after state election win

However, its getting more difficult to form coalitions to keep the AfD out, with the centre-right CDU in Thuringia even open to governing with the leftwing populist BSW after mainstream parties like the Greens and FDP were thrown out of state parliament entirely.

University of Mainz political scientist Kai Arzheimer, who specialises in the German far-right, says whether the far-right ever get into a German government or not depends mostly on whether – and how – the CDU is willing to work with the AfD.

Thuringia election results on a screen

People watch the first exit polls results for Thuringia’s state elections come in at the State Parliament in Erfurt on September 1st, 2024. Photo by Joerg CARSTENSEN / AFP

“For the time being, it should be able to form coalitions against the AfD, even if they are rather awkward,” says Arzheimer, who adds that even the different regional chapters of the CDU may have different opinions about working with the AfD.

“Within the eastern state parties of both the CDU and the FDP, there seems to be some appetite for coming to an arrangement with the AfD. While a formal coalition would probably split either party, we have already seen some tentative moves towards an informal cooperation.”

Ultimately, the Brandmauer or “firewall” concept in German politics – in which all other parties refuse to work with the AfD – may end up coming under increasing stress on the back of eastern state election results, where governing with the far-right no longer becomes unthinkable.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

What the mainstream parties take from eastern election results

It’s probably no coincidence that Germany’s ruling government decided to re-institute border controls at its land borders with other EU states shortly after the AfD topped the Thuringia state poll, according to Arzheimer, who says the elections are just the latest in a number of things at work when if comes to Germany’s migration debate.

“The border controls, the plans for the stricter enforcement of repatriation orders, and most of all the government’s harsher rhetoric are as much a reaction to Saxony and Thuringia as they are an attempt to control the fallout from the Solingen knife attack and a response to the whole ‘debate’ on immigration,” he says.

“Many experts seem to agree that they are neither practical nor that useful, and introducing them more or less overnight smacks of a degree of panic.”

READ ALSO: Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Polls conducted following the election found that migration and internal security issues were big drivers of the AfD vote – despite these being issues for the national, rather than regional, government. 

Of the AfD voters in Thuringia, more than 70 percent said either migration or crime and internal security played the largest role in influencing their vote. Slightly less than ten percent said social security. Despite the AfD’s pro-Russian views, only three percent of AfD voters in Thuringia said Germany’s support of Ukraine decisively influenced their votes.

Besides the mainstream parties like the SPD reacting with spur-of-the-moment migration policies, the Brandenburg result may end up putting pressure on Chancellor Olaf Scholz from within his own SPD.

Brandenburg SPD’s Dietmar Woidke may still be able to hold onto the premiership, but he has said he will resign if he doesn’t beat the AfD outright. Should he lose, calls may grow louder within the SPD for Scholz to resign himself – or at least declare that he won’t stand as a chancellor candidate again.

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany

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