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EXPLAINED: Just how strict are France’s privacy laws?

French police once opened an investigation into paparazzi photos of president Emmanuel Macron and his wife Brigitte on holidays - so what do France's famously strict privacy laws say about these type of snaps?

EXPLAINED: Just how strict are France's privacy laws?
Publishing photographs in France is governed by privacy laws. Photo: Clement Mahoudeau/AFP

Privacy rules in France are quite strict – in 2021, French police opened an investigation into a photographer for ‘violation of privacy’ over a picture showing President Emmanuel Macron in swimming trunks on holiday in the Mediterranean.

The Macrons are not the only political figures unhappy about photos of them being published. Far right pundit and possible presidential candidate Eric Zemmour has also filed a complaint against the magazine Paris Match after a photo showing him in the sea, very close to one of his advisors, made the front page.

Zemmour’s lawyer Olivier Pardo told BFMTV he would be pursuing the complaint, since the photos violated the polemicist’s right to privacy, and there was “intent to cause harm” to his reputation.

READ ALSO French police launch investigation into photo of Macron in swimming trunks

It’s not unusual for public figures to take publications to court to defend their right to privacy, but how much are photographers able to get away with?

What the law says

“Everybody has the right to privacy.”

That simple phrase is enshrined in Article 9 of the French Civil Code and the courts’ definition of what constitutes a private life has been pretty broad including love life, friendships, family circumstances, religious or political opinions and state of health.

Within this is the bit that covers photos and videos – it’s called the droit à l’image  (image right) and states that everybody has a basic right not to have images of themselves published against their will.

However, exactly how this is applied – particularly when it comes to public figures – relies on precedent and can get pretty complicated.

When it comes to photos taken in a private space, the photographer usually requires the consent of their subjects when they can be identified. France’s penal code states that taking or publishing a photo of somebody, taken in a private place without their consent, is punishable by up to a year in prison and a €45,000 fine.

It is worth noting that a car is considered a private space, which is why a French court ordered Closer magazine to pay damages to actress Julie Gayet, after publishing a photo of her allegedly on her way to meet then-president François Hollande, with whom she was having an affair.

READ ALSO French farmer filmed in underpants confronting conservationists wins €10k in privacy claim

Journalists and media organisations do have the option to argue that the publication was in the public interest, but the test for this is strict and – as the Gayet case shows – the simple fact of someone having an affair may not meet it.

In public spaces, no particular authorisation is needed if – crucially – a public figure is aware that their photo is being taken or if the image illustrates a newsworthy event.

So you are also allowed to publish photos of public figures on the campaign trail, but paparazzi shots on the beach would be more difficult to justify.

For ordinary members of the public in general consent is required, unless the publication is in the public interest or if the person is pictured as part of a large crowd, for example at a demonstration.

The law on publishing all types of images of under 18s is very strict, while relatives can make a complaint about the use of a dead person’s image if the publication adversely affects their reputation. It’s worth pointing out that ‘publishing’ includes posting pictures on social media.

Test case

It is often said that people in France are more willing to ignore facts relating to politicians’ private lives, and this has traditionally been reflected in the law. But, influenced by the European Court of Human Rights, French courts have in recent decades given increasing weight to the question of whether photos or information published are in the public interest.

Which is what it could come down to in the case of Zemmour.

“What can it do for intellectual and political debate to know how Eric Zemmour swims, how he looks in a swimsuit at the beach?” his lawyer said.

Paris Match on the other hand has argued that Zemmour’s advisor, Sarah Knafo, is key to his rise as a political figure.

Photos regularly published

Considering the strict rules in place to protect privacy in France, it can seem surprising that magazines don’t seem deterred in their pursuit of scoops. Nanterre in Paris’s suburbs has seen a long string of public figures parading through its court over the years seeking compensation for having had their privacy violated.

In 2015, two celebrity magazines were fined for taking photos of Hollande and Gayet at an official country residence in Versailles.

In 2017, a French court ordered Closer to pay €100,000 in damages to Britain’s Prince William and his wife Kate Middleton after publishing topless photos of her in 2012.

Magazines may decide that any potential fine is worth it when compared to the increase in sales a particular scoop could bring. But editors are more likely to cite the public interest when defending their decisions.

“To say we’re ‘making money’ with this subject, that the additional sales cover the damages, that overall we come out ‘on top’… that’s the most demagogic argument used against celebrity magazines in general, and it’s also the most wrong,” Closer’s editorial director Laurence Pieau told Le Point in 2014, after her magazine published photos of Florian Philippot, then vice-president of the far right Front National, with a man it claimed was his partner.

“France has the most restrictive laws on this issue. Damages are much higher than anywhere else. In the United States, people practically never sue, because they consider it to be part of the job.”

Despite the magazine’s claims that the photos were in the public interest due to Philippot’s opposition to gay marriage, Closer was ordered to pay the politician €20,000 in damages.

Presidential photoshoots

The August summer holiday at Bregancon is a long-standing traditional for French presidents and past French leaders had often posed for photographs in an attempt to head off paparazzi, beginning with Charles Pompidou and Valery Giscard d’Estaing in the 1970s.

But while later presidents, including Macron, continued the tradition, paparazzi photographers have staged ever bolder attempts to snap them in private moments.

Both Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande and their partners were also photographed without their knowledge in their swimming trunks in the azure waters lapping at the foot of the fort.

Member comments

  1. Well it appears that France had an unknown president, Charles Pompidou or was he just a stand-in for the real one, Georges Pompidou ?

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POLITICS

What does the new government mean for foreigners in France?

France at last has a new government and one of its four main aims is to "control immigration and promote integration" - so what is this likely to mean for foreigners in France, or those hoping to move here some day?

What does the new government mean for foreigners in France?

After two weeks of intense negotiation, on Thursday evening newly-appointed prime minister Michel Barnier announced that he had succeeded in forming a government.

 He also laid out his four main priorities;

  • Improve the standard of living for the French and the workings of public services, especially schools and healthcare
  • Guarantee security, control immigration and improve integration
  • Encourage businesses and agriculture and build upon the economic attractiveness of France
  • Get public finances under control and reduce debt

He is set to give his Discours de politique générale on October 1st – this is the traditional speech that a prime minister makes laying out the main policy aims of their government.

So what is this likely to mean for foreigners living in France?

Obviously some of these things will have the same effect on foreigners as any other residents of France, since we all use the same healthcare and education systems.

The first challenge for the new government will be a budget that, as Barnier says, “gets public finances under control”. France is facing a ballooning deficit and the threat of a downgrade from ratings agencies if it cannot get spending under control.

Barnier said earlier in the week that he is “discovering that the country’s budgetary situation is very serious” – most people interpreted this as preparing to announce tax hikes.

No details of these plans have been released, but it is thought likely that extra taxes will be on business and the super-rich rather than any increase in income tax or VAT.

Emmanuel Macron’s centrist Renaissance group briefed the press that one of their conditions for joining the new government was a pledge that any tax increases would not target “the middle classes or working French people”.

Immigration

But the strand of government that is most likely to affect foreigners in France, or those hoping to move here some day, is the pledge to “control immigration and promote integration”.

Again there is no detail on this, but the French government’s most recent bill to “promote integration” introduced language tests for certain types of residency card, while raising the language standard required for other processes.

We know that Barnier himself is strongly to the right on the topic of immigration – in his unsuccessful 2022 bid for the Les Républicains presidential nomination he called for a total moratorium on all immigration into France from non-EU countries.

Barnier said he would organise a referendum if elected, asking voters to approve constitutional changes and the ability of parliament to set immigrant quotas each year.

The exact composition of the new government has not been revealed – it is expected “before Sunday” – but we do know that Barnier has appointed several ministers from within the Les Républicains party.

These are reported to include Bruno Retailleau, who sparked outcry with his comments about immigrants in the context of the 2022 riots.

Speaking about the rioters who were arrested, 90 percent of whom were French citizens, he said: “OK, they’re French, but these are French people in their official identity, and unfortunately for the second and third generations (of immigrants), there is a sort of regression towards their ethnic roots.”

Clearly for some politicians, you can never be integrated enough.

New laws?

Although it’s far too early to think of any specific policies – and the government may not last long enough to actually see any laws passed – the debate around France’s recent immigration bill does provide some clues about the goals of right-wing politicians.

The Immigration law that finally passed in January changed – among other things – conditions for certain types of residency card and introduced expanded language tests, a civics test and a declaration of allegiance to ‘French values’ for foreigners living here.

READ ALSO What changes under France’s new immigration bill

However as the bill progressed through parliament, many right-wing lawmakers attempted to add amendments to toughen it up. In the end, most of the amendments were either voted down in parliament or struck out later by the Constitutional Council, but they do provide a guide to right-wing goals.

Among the rejected amendments were;

Migration quotas – the original bill contained nothing about migration quotas, but a section on this was added in the Senate (which is controlled by Les Républicains). The amendment was vague, setting out only the principle that parliament can set migration quotas – the wording of the text talked about ‘economic migration’, suggesting that these quotas would apply only to people coming to France to work, not students or retirees. The quotas would not affect asylum seekers or people arriving on a family reunification visa.

It called for parliament to have an annual debate on migration, with the ‘objective’ of setting quotas or numbers.

This was one of many amendments that was eventually struck out by the Constitutional Council – although on procedural grounds, not because of its content.

Healthcare restrictions – currently undocumented foreigners who are in France for more than three months are entitled to basic healthcare under the Aide medicale de l’Etat, with costs reimbursed by the State for hospital treatment and medication. The amendment proposed a complete ban on this for anyone who is undocumented or in an irregular immigration situation.

Benefit restrictions – currently foreigners in France can qualify for benefits such as housing allowance or certain family benefits after they have been resident for six months, the amendment aimed to increase the qualification period to five years.

Expelling radicalised foreigners – the law that was eventually passed makes it easier to expel radicalised foreigners by removing certain protections, including the restriction that people who came to France aged 13 or under cannot be expelled once they reach adulthood. The amendment aimed toughen this up still further by allowing the expulsion not just of people who are on terror watchlists, but of people who have “committed a grave and deliberate violation of the principles of the French Republic”.

Toughen asylum rules – various amendments aimed to make it easier to expel failed asylum seekers by reducing the amount of time for appeals and allowing a notice to quit the country to be served as soon as a first application is rejected.

Limit family reunification rights – rules around foreigners in France being joined by spouses or family members would also be tightened up under the amendment, with a minimum stay of 24 months before you can be joined by a spouse or family member, and extra financial requirements.

French citizenship for children born in France – currently children who are born in France to foreign parents are automatically given the right to French citizenship once they reach 18 under the droit du sol principle (although in order to do anything practical like get a passport or ID card they still need to apply for a naturalisation certificate). Several amendments proposed that this no longer be an automatic right and children must “express their will” to get citizenship – presumably through an extra admin procedures.

All the immigration measures listed above would apply to non-EU nationals – anyone who needs a visa or carte de séjour to spend more than three months in France.

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