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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

What we learned from Angela Merkel’s first foray out of retirement

The former German Chancellor defended her legacy in her first major interview since leaving office. But it left many questions open - and hasn't impressed her critics, writes Aaron Burnett.

Former Chancellor Angela Merkel on stage in Berlin on Tuesday.
Former Chancellor Angela Merkel on stage in Berlin. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Fabian Sommer

Six months to the day since she left office, a sold out Berliner Ensemble audience gathered to see Angela Merkel’s first post-retirement media interview. Coming out with her trademark humour and a blue suit jacket, the former Chancellor answered questions from journalist Alexander Osang for an hour and a half on Tuesday evening. 

But it was also an interview that left open more questions than it answered.

Sitting at ease and cracking jokes, Merkel calmly answered Osang’s softball questions, demonstrating that even after six months largely relaxing on the German shores of the Baltic Sea, she still knows how to eat many reporters for breakfast.

Whenever the camera panned to the crowd, it showed a beaming, transfixed audience. “Altkanzlerin” or “ex-Chancellor” or not – Merkel still knows how to hold a room. And when she’s in the room, she still knows how to run the show.

Merkel isn’t doing regrets over Russia and Ukraine

Merkel’s performance during the interview was all the more notable given how her controversial record on Ukraine and Russia dominated the discussion almost entirely.

Somewhat nervously, Osang’s first substantive question – after spending several minutes talking about Merkel’s quiet retirement – was about her decision to block NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia in 2008. Ukraine at the time, was a divided country plagued by oligarchy and corruption, she said, and not prepared to be in NATO. She reasoned that because membership doesn’t happen overnight, Russia’s Vladimir Putin may well have invaded to prevent Ukraine from joining – at a time when it wasn’t ready to defend itself.

Merkel went on to say that she doesn’t regret how she handled Putin, and defended her record of keeping diplomatic dialogue open with him to try and prevent war.

“I don’t blame myself,” she told the crowd. “I would feel very bad if I had said there wasn’t any point in talking to him.”

READ ALSO: Merkel says she has ‘nothing to apologise for’ over Russia legacy

Merkel didn’t really believe in ‘change through trade’

Merkel insisted she was never under any illusions about who Putin was, and didn’t really believe in Wandel durch Handel (change through trade), or the idea that boosting economic links between Germany and Russia would change how Putin would behave. It was an uncharacteristically frank statement from a politician with a reputation for her public poker face, saying little while in office.

Yet many analysts, both inside and outside Germany, say those are claims that simply don’t stack up against evidence.

“Not believing in ‘change through trade,’ which supposedly guided German policy during much of her time, is a remarkable admission that Germany was basically just profiting from its relationship with Russia, at the expense of Ukraine and central European states like Estonia – without actually trying to use German leverage to make Russia more democratic and less threatening,” said Benjamin Tallis, a Fellow at the Hertie School’s Centre for International Security in Berlin.

“That’s just a policy of naked greed.”

Former Estonian President Toomas Hendrik Ilves commented on Merkel’s interview in similar terms.

Merkel’s answers on the state of the German army, or Bundeswehr, weren’t entirely convincing either.

“On a personal level, I thought she was good – funny, engaged, eloquent,” said Dr. Ulrike Franke, a German defence expert with the European Council on Foreign Relations.

Yet Franke says Merkel oversold her role when pushing for higher defence spending against resistance from the Social Democrats, her coalition partner. “She is right that the SPD was putting the brakes on this, and the CDU was pushing more. But her personally? Not so much.”

All the things Merkel didn’t say – from new progressive politics to energy

Merkel’s interview was perhaps just as notable for what she didn’t say – and what Osang didn’t ask her.

If Merkel really didn’t believe in change through trade, how did Germany become so  dependent on Russian energy? Osang didn’t ask. Nor did he ask about one of Merkel’s other major decisions – her surprise reversal on continuing nuclear power in Germany after the Fukushima disaster in 2011. That decision made Germany even more dependent on Russian gas, oil, and coal. 

“At the time, too little was done to diversify energy sources in Europe and Germany in order to become independent of Russia more quickly,” German Council on Foreign Relations Director Daniela Schwarzer told Tagesschau. Bild newspaper criticised her for being a Chancellor without a plan, particularly on energy. 

Nor did we hear about whether Germany should have been more ambitious in its climate targets, or whether the country’s dependence on Russian energy hampers a transition to clean energy.

Merkel’s crisis leadership during Covid-19, the euro crisis – even the 2015 refugee crisis – was scarcely mentioned at all, let alone subjected to serious questioning.

We did find out that she broadly supports the current government but doesn’t wish to comment on everything from the sidelines, akin to a grandmother trying not to tell her granddaughter how to bring up her children. From a woman who has been referred to as Germany’s “Mutti” or “Mummy,” it was an apt analogy.

But beyond its Ukraine policy, which specific bits of the new government’s agenda does the ex-Chancellor agree or disagree with? Merkel didn’t say and Osang didn’t ask.

And it would be interesting to know because a lot of change is happening. For instance, the country’s strict abortion laws are being eased. Cannabis is set to be legalised. Dual citizenship is to be allowed, even if the current government hasn’t yet said precisely when.

All of these decisions point to a very different Germany than the one under Merkel – but they weren’t discussed.

We did, however, hear quite a bit about how Merkel is spending her retirement. She is enjoying hiking in nature and reading the books she hasn’t had time to get to – including Shakespeare’s Macbeth.

Beyond that, we mostly heard about Merkel’s foreign policy, which may end up largely defining her legacy. For better or worse, that risks leaving so many of her other decisions broadly unexamined.

READ ALSO: An era ends: How will Germany and the world remember the Merkel years?

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POLITICS

What the shock defection of a Greens MP to the CDU tells us about German politics

For the first time in almost three decades, an MP for the Green Party has defected to the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party. What does this say about the climate of chaos dominating German politics?

What the shock defection of a Greens MP to the CDU tells us about German politics

In the long list of problems facing the beleaguered traffic-light coalition, this wasn’t one they’d reckoned with: on Tuesday, for the first time in 28 years, a Greens MP defected to the centre-right CDU.

Melis Sekmen, a 30-year old politician from Mannheim, announced the move in a video and written statement published on her website on Tuesday morning. Describing the decision as “the result of a long process of consideration”, Sekmen said her views on politics had developed over time.

“I have realised that my idea of how and with what style politics is done has evolved,” she said. 

The defection was met with shock and consternation from members of the left-leaning Green party, many of whom responded to the political betrayal in muted tones.

“It’s not a good look,” Cindy Holberg, the vice chair of Baden-Württemberg Greens, told Spiegel.

READ ALSO: Could the far-right AfD join a coalition in Germany?

“It’s unfair to the voters who wanted Greens and are getting Black,” she added, referring to the flagship colour of the CDU.

But on the other side of the Bundestag, where the right-wing parties sit, the atmosphere was jubilant. 

In a parliamentary meeting with her new CDU colleagues, and those from their sister Christian Social Union Party (CSU), Sekmen was apparently met with applause and a “warm welcome” from CDU/CSU parliamentary leader Friedrich Merz.

“It’s good that you have made this decision,” Merz said. “The parliamentary group is looking forward to getting to know you.”

According to unnamed colleagues of Sekmen’s who have spoken to Spiegel, the former Greens MP had “clapped performatively” at speeches made by the CDU leader in recent debates in the Bundestag. 

Why did Sekmen leave the Greens?

Though there was no explicit mention of political disagreements with her party, Sekmen hinted in her statement that both economic and identity politics had played a role.

Praising her home city of Mannheim in Baden-Württemberg, the former Greens MP said the city had given people “the opportunity to build something for themselves”.

“They have worked hard and thus achieved social advancement,” she wrote. “My family is part of this wonderful story.”

Though little known outside of the Bundestag bubble, Sekmen had specialised in economic politics as a Greens MP, chairing the Greens economics committee and heading up initiatives for businesses and startups. 

Melis Sekmen CDU

Former Greens MP Melis Sekmen joins a parliamentary meeting of the CDU in the Bundestag on Tuesday. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Bernd von Jutrczenka

Heavily isolated among her left-leaning local party, she had also taken issue with her party’s brand of social politics, such as the reform of long-term unemployment benefits to make the system less punitive.

When her coalition partners, the Free Democrats (FDP), set out an economically liberal 12-point-plan back in April that included slashing benefits and reversing the Bürgergeld reforms, Sekmen said she was open to it.

But perhaps the most thorny issue between Sekmen and the Greens were issues of identity – and especially their stance on Islamism. 

In her statement announcing her defection, she said parties should “name uncomfortable realities” even if they don’t fit in with their political narratives and that those voices should come from “the centre rather than the fringes” of politics. 

“To achieve this, we need a culture of debate that doesn’t pigeonhole people for their opinions or concerns,” she added.

Following the deadly knife attack on a police officer at an anti-Islam rally in Mannheim in May, Sekmen also spoke out in favour of a tougher line on radical Islam and the integration of foreigners.

“It has to be possible to discuss this topic without being pigeonholed,” she told the Frankfurter Allgemeine newspaper. 

That could be one reason that the former Green politician, whose father moved to Germany from Turkey as a child, found a home in the CDU under Merz.

The party’s new programme, which was penned back in May, takes a strong line on foreigners’ integration and a heavily critical stance on radical Islam. 

READ ALSO: Tensions high in Mannheim after knife attack claims life of policeman

What does this mean for the traffic-light coalition?

Though Sekmen is in many ways an Alleingänger – or a unique case – her defection really cuts to the heart of many issues the traffic-light coalition is facing.

The uneasy partnership between the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and pro-business FDP has been under increasing strain in recent months, and the fissures are starting to deepen.

This week, the coalition parties are struggling to reconcile their visions for the future in the form of the 2025 budget.

Christian Lindner Robert Habeck Olaf Scholz

Finance Minister Christian Lindner (FDP), Economics Minister Robert Habeck (Greens) and Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) sit together in the Bundestag. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Michael Kappeler

While the liberal FDP wants to slash ministerial budgets, cut benefits and stick to Germany’s strict borrowing rules, the SPD and Greens are desperate to secure funds for their welfare programmes and invest more heavily in infrastructure. 

The endless battles and even existential threats to the traffic-light coalition have taken their toll in recent months, and this latest sign of disagreement within a single party has only added to the sense of chaos.

Originally due to sign off on the law on July 4th, the new deadline is now July 17th, with a draft allegedly due to be presented on Friday ahead of Germany’s match against Spain in the Euro quarter-finals. 

But it’s likely to take more than that for the storm-battered coalition to recover from its dire poll ratings and appalling showings in the recent EU and local elections.

The parties must also find a way to tackle the elephant in the room: the surge in popularity of the far-right AfD and the ongoing culture wars about issues related to identity and integration.

READ ALSO: What do Germany’s far-right gains in EU elections mean for foreigners?

Sekmen’s comments about bringing an Islam-critical stance into the mainstream centre of politics will speak to the CDU, who have been following precisely this strategy in recent months.

The question remains whether that will be enough to reclaim the narrative from the evermore prominent far-right.

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