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IMMIGRATION

‘So many barriers’: What it’s like applying for permanent residency and citizenship in Germany

Applying to settle in Germany - whether it's residency or citizenship - involves long waiting times, bureaucracy and hurdles, as one Local reader found out.

People stand in front of the Berlin State Office for Immigration.
People stand in front of the Berlin State Office for Immigration. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Britta Pedersen

When Christopher Payne came to Erfurt, Thuringia, for work in 2013 from the UK he had no idea he’d end up wanting to make Germany his home. 

The 35-year-old, who’s originally from Barbados and works in aerospace engineering, told The Local: “Originally I came to Germany on a temporary transfer to fill a specific role in my company which has offices in both the UK and Germany. The transfer to Erfurt was intended to be for one or two years, but was extended to a four-year stint.”

READ ALSO: ‘I never thought I’d settle in Germany’: The expats who stayed years longer than planned

When the transfer ended, he had become so impressed with Germany and the German way of life that, rather than return to the UK, he decided to explore other opportunities within the local branch of his firm.

“Through this avenue I ended up moving to Berlin,” he said.

Like many other non-EU nationals, Payne applied for a Blue Card. After around 15 months he decided to apply for permanent residency, citing Germany’s quality of life and work-life-balance as the major draws for settling here long-term.  

“I wanted to settle down in Berlin and decided to make Germany my home,” said Payne. 

Payne got everything ready – such as his B1 German language certificate – to apply for permanent residency at the Ausländerberhörde or immigration office in August 2019.

“It (the process) was meant to take eight weeks,” he said. “I waited about 10 weeks – sent them an email – heard nothing. Waited a couple more weeks – heard nothing. Tried to get through on the phone, I printed out a letter and posted it… and I heard nothing.”

At this point, the Covid pandemic was coming into view, leaving many people worried about the future.  

Payne said it was at this point that he got in touch with a lawyer to ask them to look into his application. The lawyer requested the file from authorities in April 2020, and then told Payne that it had been forgotten about. 

“It was only because the lawyer requested to see it that they sent it to the correct department to process it,” said Payne. The Ausländerbehörde then said that, due to Covid, they were unable to allow Payne to come in to the office. 

Christopher Payne, pictured here in Berlin, faced difficulties applying for permanent residency and citizenship.

Christopher Payne, pictured here in Berlin, faced difficulties applying for permanent residency and citizenship. Photo courtesy of Christopher Payne

“My lawyer wrote a harsh letter saying that if they don’t do something ‘we’ll have to sue you guys’,” said Payne. “It was only at that point they said, you can come and get your permanent residency.”

READ ALSO: ‘Lack of transparency’: What it’s like to apply for permanent residency in Germany

Engaging with a lawyer cost Payne around €1,000. “It was a fiasco,” he said, referring to the way that Berlin handled his case. 

Sabine Beikler, spokesperson for the Berlin Senate for Interior, Digitalisation and Sport told The Local that Payne’s application for a residence permit submitted in August 2019 “was unfortunately not initially answered, to the regret of the State Office for Immigration (LEA)”.

“This omission was noticed with the request for file inspection by the lawyer in April 2020,” said Beikler. “Of course, the processing of the case would have been started without the involvement of a lawyer if the error had been noticed otherwise.”

‘Barriers’

Despite the turbulent experience of gaining permanent residency, Payne was determined to reach his long-term goal of getting German citizenship.

He became eligible to apply to become German in March 2021 after reaching eight years of residency in the country. 

Payne said he was surprised when he tried to get the initial naturalisation appointment a few months before in January 2021 at the district office in Steglitz where he lives – and found the first available appointment was in August. 

Nevertheless he took that slot, and in the three months’ following that appointment, he gathered all of the documents required, from birth certificate to language and residency test requirements. The completed application was submitted in November 2021.

Payne said he was told that the citizenship application takes around 20 months to process after authorities receive his application. 

“In February 2022 I got the letter saying they were starting to process my application,” he said. “I thought it must be pretty quick and maybe they’re doing it way faster.”

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: How I got German citizenship – and how you can too

However, after speaking to others applying for citizenship in Berlin, he realised that the 20 month wait usually starts from the receipt of the application.

For Payne, the timeline feels painfully slow.

“It has been a very disheartening experience,” he said. “I’m proud to live here in Germany and contribute to the country and society, and am willing to give up citizenship in my country of birth to do so. However, it feels as if I am in limbo with so much bureaucracy and so many barriers in the way.”

There are also different waiting times depending on the district office where applicants live. At present, citizenship applications are handled at a district level, meaning areas with a higher concentration of expats are likely to have longer waiting times. 

Sabine Beikler, spokesperson for the Berlin Senate for Interior, Digitalisation and Sport, said that Payne’s “regrettable” case is “not representative of the duration of naturalisation procedures in the state of Berlin, even if a high volume of applications can lead to longer processing times in some cases”.

Beikler said the city of Berlin plans to centralise the system to make it more efficient. 

“In order to significantly shorten the processing times of naturalisation procedures in the state of Berlin, the Senate is planning to centralise responsibility for naturalisations and to provide the future central authority with adequate personnel and technical equipment,” she said. 

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: How German citizenship differs from permanent residency

Member comments

  1. I had a more positive experience. I applied for German citizenship at the beginning of February 2020, and was able to collect my certificate just a month later. I live in Baden-Württemberg, Waldshut-Tiengen area. I was actually surprised at how fast it went…

  2. I have had a similar experience like Payne, where I applied in November 2021 and just in August I received my citizenship. It is also true that the Ausländerbehörde doesn’t entertain to any emails, or telephone calls. If they do, then its a harsh message of not disturbing them inspite of the fact that we do not call every now and then, but rather just after the stipulated time (mentioned) has passed. I live in Mannheim, and this is expected from big cities as the number of applicants are very high. However, I do notice that that people who apply from smaller towns or cities- the processing is way-faster.

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IMMIGRATION

‘Shift to the right’: How European nations are tightening migration policies

The success of far-right parties in elections in key European countries is prompting even centrist and left-wing governments to tighten policies on migration, creating cracks in unity and sparking concern among activists.

'Shift to the right': How European nations are tightening migration policies

With the German far right coming out on top in two state elections earlier this month, the socialist-led national Berlin government has reimposed border controls on Western frontiers that are supposed to see freedom of movement in the European Union’s Schengen zone.

The Netherlands government, which includes the party of Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders, announced on Wednesday that it had requested from Brussels an opt-out from EU rules on asylum, with Prime Minister Dick Schoof declaring that there was an asylum “crisis”.

Meanwhile, new British Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the left-wing Labour Party paid a visit to Rome for talks with Italian counterpart Georgia Meloni, whose party has neo-fascist roots, to discuss the strategies used by Italy in seeking to reduce migration.

Far-right parties performed strongly in June European elections, coming out on top in France, prompting President Emmanuel Macron to call snap elections which resulted in right-winger Michel Barnier, who has previously called for a moratorium on migration, being named prime minister.

We are witnessing the “continuation of a rightward shift in migration policies in the European Union,” said Jerome Vignon, migration advisor at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank.

It reflected the rise of far-right parties in the European elections in June, and more recently in the two regional elections in Germany, he said, referring to a “quite clearly protectionist and conservative trend”.

Strong message

“Anti-immigration positions that were previously the preserve of the extreme right are now contaminating centre-right parties, even centre-left parties like the Social Democrats” in Germany, added Florian Trauner, a migration specialist at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, the Dutch-speaking university in Brussels.

While the Labour government in London has ditched its right-wing Conservative predecessor administration’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda, there is clearly interest in a deal Italy has struck with Albania to detain and process migrants there.

Within the European Union, Cyprus has suspended the processing of asylum applications from Syrian applicants, while laws have appeared authorising pushbacks at the border in Finland and Lithuania.

Under the pretext of dealing with “emergency” or “crisis” situations, the list of exemptions and deviations from the common rules defined by the European Union continues to grow.

All this flies in the face of the new EU migration pact, agreed only in May and coming into force in 2026.

In the wake of deadly attacks in Mannheim and most recently Solingen blamed on radical Islamists, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s government also expelled 28 Afghans back to their home country for the first time since the Taliban takeover of Kabul.

Such gestures from Germany are all the more symbolic given how the country since World War II has tried to turn itself into a model of integration, taking in a million refugees, mainly Syrians in 2015-2016 and then more than a million Ukrainian exiles since the Russian invasion.

Germany is sending a “strong message” to its own public as well as to its European partners, said Trauner.

The migratory pressure “remains significant” with more than 500,000 asylum applications registered in the European Union for the first six months of the year, he said.

‘Climate on impunity’

Germany, which received about a quarter of them alone, criticises the countries of southern Europe for allowing migrants to circulate without processing their asylum applications, but southern states denounce a lack of solidarity of the rest of Europe.

The moves by Germany were condemned by EU allies including Greece and Poland, but Scholz received the perhaps unwelcome accolade of praise from Hungarian right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Moscow’s closest friend in the European Union, when he declared “welcome to the club”.

The EU Commission’s failure to hold countries to account “only fosters a climate of impunity where unilateral migration policies and practices can proliferate,” said Adriana Tidona, Amnesty International’s Migration Researcher.

But behind the rhetoric, all European states are also aware of the crucial role played by migrants in keeping sectors going including transport and healthcare, as well as the importance of attracting skilled labour.

“Behind the symbolic speeches, European leaders, particularly German ones, remain pragmatic: border controls are targeted,” said Sophie Meiners, a migration researcher with the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Even Meloni’s government has allowed the entry into Italy of 452,000 foreign workers for the period 2023-2025.

“In parallel to this kind of new restrictive measures, they know they need to address skilled labour needs,” she said.

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