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ANGELA MERKEL

What do Germans think of Merkel a year after her departure?

Angela Merkel left the German chancellery on December 8th, 2021 at the height of her global stature. Twelve months on, it is hard to find a more precipitous drop in popularity and prestige in modern European politics.

What do Germans think of Merkel a year after her departure?
Former German Chancellor Angela Merkel speaking at an event to mark the 77th anniversary of the Süddeutsche Zeitung in October 2022. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Sven Hoppe

The offices accorded to the former leader are in view of the Russian embassy, where since the Ukraine invasion in February Berliners regularly leave signs and flowers protesting the war.

Long called the world’s most powerful woman, Merkel these days has pulled back from the spotlight, working on her memoirs and enjoying the occasional television series, such as “The Crown”, which tells the story of Queen Elizabeth II’s turbulent decades on the throne.

But in many quarters the broad German support she once enjoyed as a staunch defender of Western liberal values has curdled.

“One year on, the world is in flames, Russia invaded Ukraine, gas and  petrol prices are through the roof and Germany fears the winter,” wrote Der Spiegel magazine’s Alexander Osang, a longtime Merkel confidant.

“Angela Merkel went from role model to culprit, from crisis-manager to crisis-causer.”

Invitation to Bucha

Germany’s first female chancellor has been accused of placating Russian President Vladimir Putin in the name of realpolitik, while deepening Germany’s energy dependence on Moscow — not least by backing the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline project even after Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea.

READ ALSO: Merkel says no regrets over Germany’s Russia gas deals

Hedwig Richter, modern history professor at Munich’s Bundeswehr University, said Merkel‘s loss of standing had been “exceptional”, representing a generation of political failings.

“Amorality is not the same thing as realpolitik,” Richter told AFP.

“The governments of the last 16 years thought it was realistic to place values such as human rights and climate protection last in politics. But now reality is striking back.”

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has laid the blame at Merkel‘s feet, in particular for a decision at a 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest not to admit his country to the alliance.

In April, he offered her a barbed invitation to Bucha, the site of an alleged massacre of Ukrainian civilians, “to see what the policy of concessions to Russia has led to in 14 years”.

Looming energy shortages due to Russian retaliation for Western sanctions have also soured the mood against Merkel at home.

In the public debate, “Merkel was tied up with this war and certainly to blame for the missing gas”, said Nico Fried, who covered Merkel during all four of her terms, in Stern magazine.

“The question is what remains of Merkel after 16 years, whether her historical portrait is already fading before it was even really framed.”

‘Horribly neglected’

Just 23 percent of Germans would want Merkel back in power, according to a Civey institute poll in late November.

READ ALSO: ANALYSIS: Are Germans questioning Merkel’s legacy?

In this file photo taken on November 10, 2021 then outgoing German Chancellor Angela Merkel and then German Finance Minister and Vice-Chancellor Olaf Scholz attend a press conference to present the annual report of the German Council of Economic Experts (Wirtschaftsweise) in Berlin. (Photo by Kay Nietfeld / POOL / AFP)

Richter said Merkel had “great achievements” including allowing in more  than one million asylum seekers and standing as a beacon of “decency” and  “democratic duty” when strongmen like Putin and Donald Trump were on the march.

But she said two key miscalculations would cast a long shadow.

“Firstly, the inability of the (German) republic to defend itself. And because this is closely linked to the fossil-fuel dependence on Russia, it threw a spotlight on destruction of the planet,” she said.

“The Merkel governments horribly neglected both these issues.”

Merkel, 68, has mounted a tentative counter-offensive, arguing that she acted in good conscience given the facts on the ground at the time.

She said she tried to use Nord Stream 2 as a bargaining chip to ensure Putin respected the 2015 Minsk accords aimed at stopping the fighting in Ukraine.

Merkel told Fried she pledged to US President Joe Biden last year that if Russia invaded Ukraine, the pipeline deal would be scrapped — a threat her successor Olaf Scholz made good on days before the war began.

Osang noted the irony that “Putin of all people, whom she has known so well and long, with all his tricks, lies, bragging” had muddied her reputation.

One of Merkel‘s lessons from the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 that it was “economic, more than democratic, deprivation” that led to the communist system’s collapse.

Osang said this had coloured her approach to trade with China and energy deals with Russia.

She said Scholz’s billions in spending to help Germans facing high gas prices were now justified.

“Not everyone is in a position to freeze for Ukraine,” she said.

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POLITICS

What the shock defection of a Greens MP to the CDU tells us about German politics

For the first time in almost three decades, an MP for the Green Party has defected to the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party. What does this say about the climate of chaos dominating German politics?

What the shock defection of a Greens MP to the CDU tells us about German politics

In the long list of problems facing the beleaguered traffic-light coalition, this wasn’t one they’d reckoned with: on Tuesday, for the first time in 28 years, a Greens MP defected to the centre-right CDU.

Melis Sekmen, a 30-year old politician from Mannheim, announced the move in a video and written statement published on her website on Tuesday morning. Describing the decision as “the result of a long process of consideration”, Sekmen said her views on politics had developed over time.

“I have realised that my idea of how and with what style politics is done has evolved,” she said. 

The defection was met with shock and consternation from members of the left-leaning Green party, many of whom responded to the political betrayal in muted tones.

“It’s not a good look,” Cindy Holberg, the vice chair of Baden-Württemberg Greens, told Spiegel.

READ ALSO: Could the far-right AfD join a coalition in Germany?

“It’s unfair to the voters who wanted Greens and are getting Black,” she added, referring to the flagship colour of the CDU.

But on the other side of the Bundestag, where the right-wing parties sit, the atmosphere was jubilant. 

In a parliamentary meeting with her new CDU colleagues, and those from their sister Christian Social Union Party (CSU), Sekmen was apparently met with applause and a “warm welcome” from CDU/CSU parliamentary leader Friedrich Merz.

“It’s good that you have made this decision,” Merz said. “The parliamentary group is looking forward to getting to know you.”

According to unnamed colleagues of Sekmen’s who have spoken to Spiegel, the former Greens MP had “clapped performatively” at speeches made by the CDU leader in recent debates in the Bundestag. 

Why did Sekmen leave the Greens?

Though there was no explicit mention of political disagreements with her party, Sekmen hinted in her statement that both economic and identity politics had played a role.

Praising her home city of Mannheim in Baden-Württemberg, the former Greens MP said the city had given people “the opportunity to build something for themselves”.

“They have worked hard and thus achieved social advancement,” she wrote. “My family is part of this wonderful story.”

Though little known outside of the Bundestag bubble, Sekmen had specialised in economic politics as a Greens MP, chairing the Greens economics committee and heading up initiatives for businesses and startups. 

Melis Sekmen CDU

Former Greens MP Melis Sekmen joins a parliamentary meeting of the CDU in the Bundestag on Tuesday. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Bernd von Jutrczenka

Heavily isolated among her left-leaning local party, she had also taken issue with her party’s brand of social politics, such as the reform of long-term unemployment benefits to make the system less punitive.

When her coalition partners, the Free Democrats (FDP), set out an economically liberal 12-point-plan back in April that included slashing benefits and reversing the Bürgergeld reforms, Sekmen said she was open to it.

But perhaps the most thorny issue between Sekmen and the Greens were issues of identity – and especially their stance on Islamism. 

In her statement announcing her defection, she said parties should “name uncomfortable realities” even if they don’t fit in with their political narratives and that those voices should come from “the centre rather than the fringes” of politics. 

“To achieve this, we need a culture of debate that doesn’t pigeonhole people for their opinions or concerns,” she added.

Following the deadly knife attack on a police officer at an anti-Islam rally in Mannheim in May, Sekmen also spoke out in favour of a tougher line on radical Islam and the integration of foreigners.

“It has to be possible to discuss this topic without being pigeonholed,” she told the Frankfurter Allgemeine newspaper. 

That could be one reason that the former Green politician, whose father moved to Germany from Turkey as a child, found a home in the CDU under Merz.

The party’s new programme, which was penned back in May, takes a strong line on foreigners’ integration and a heavily critical stance on radical Islam. 

READ ALSO: Tensions high in Mannheim after knife attack claims life of policeman

What does this mean for the traffic-light coalition?

Though Sekmen is in many ways an Alleingänger – or a unique case – her defection really cuts to the heart of many issues the traffic-light coalition is facing.

The uneasy partnership between the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and pro-business FDP has been under increasing strain in recent months, and the fissures are starting to deepen.

This week, the coalition parties are struggling to reconcile their visions for the future in the form of the 2025 budget.

Christian Lindner Robert Habeck Olaf Scholz

Finance Minister Christian Lindner (FDP), Economics Minister Robert Habeck (Greens) and Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) sit together in the Bundestag. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Michael Kappeler

While the liberal FDP wants to slash ministerial budgets, cut benefits and stick to Germany’s strict borrowing rules, the SPD and Greens are desperate to secure funds for their welfare programmes and invest more heavily in infrastructure. 

The endless battles and even existential threats to the traffic-light coalition have taken their toll in recent months, and this latest sign of disagreement within a single party has only added to the sense of chaos.

Originally due to sign off on the law on July 4th, the new deadline is now July 17th, with a draft allegedly due to be presented on Friday ahead of Germany’s match against Spain in the Euro quarter-finals. 

But it’s likely to take more than that for the storm-battered coalition to recover from its dire poll ratings and appalling showings in the recent EU and local elections.

The parties must also find a way to tackle the elephant in the room: the surge in popularity of the far-right AfD and the ongoing culture wars about issues related to identity and integration.

READ ALSO: What do Germany’s far-right gains in EU elections mean for foreigners?

Sekmen’s comments about bringing an Islam-critical stance into the mainstream centre of politics will speak to the CDU, who have been following precisely this strategy in recent months.

The question remains whether that will be enough to reclaim the narrative from the evermore prominent far-right.

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