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FACT CHECK: Are Germans more liberal or conservative?

Germany is renowned for its social safety net and for welcoming refugees in 2015. But just how liberal or conservative are Germans about certain hot-button issues – from dual citizenship to cannabis legalisation, abortion and guns?

People draped in rainbow flags take part in the Christopher Street Day demonstration in memory of the Stonewall Riots during Pride month with Berlin's Brandenburg Gate in the background.
People draped in rainbow flags take part in the Christopher Street Day demonstration in memory of the Stonewall Riots during Pride month on July 23, 2022, with Berlin's Brandenburg Gate in the background. Germany on Friday launched a plan to protect LGBTQ rights. Photo: DAVID GANNON / AFP

Germany’s current traffic light government is busy enacting all kinds of progressive-leaning legislation, whether to legalise cannabis, allow dual citizenship, or slightly liberalise abortion laws. Much like the fact that Germany only legalised equal marriage just over five years ago – the country can sometimes feel quite behind its neighbours when it comes to enacting certain reforms.

Are Germans just a conservative bunch? Or is government catching up with public opinion? We took a look at recent polls on a host of social issues and how Germans feel about them.

Dual citizenship and immigration

Germans are pretty split on the governing coalition’s plans to allow dual citizenship and shorten the time someone needs to be in Germany before they can apply for citizenship. That wait time is currently eight years and the government is looking to reduce that to five, amidst other planned reforms.

Cem Özdemir, then Green Party Chair, pickets CDU headquarters in 2013 with other Green protestors, demanding the right to dual citizenship. Photo: picture alliance / dpa | Michael Kappeler

One poll by public broadcaster ARD finds a slight majority in favour though: 49 percent agree with the government’s plans to make getting German citizenship easier and allowing dual nationality, while 45 percent are opposed.

READ ALSO: What do Germans think of plans to allow dual nationality?

Gun laws

Interior Minister Nancy Faeser currently has her hands full.

In addition to the new citizenship law, Faeser is working on tightening German gun laws. A 48-page draft law has proposed banning semi-automatic weapons and requiring licences for blank pistols and crossbows. German law already bans private ownership of fully automatic weapons.

Assault rifles from World War II in the armoury of the State Criminal Police Office (LKA) in Rampe, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania.

Assault rifles from World War II in the armoury of the State Criminal Police Office (LKA) in Rampe, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Photo: picture alliance / dpa | Jens Büttner

In particular, the government has the AR-15 assault rifle in its sights – a weapon that’s been at the centre of gun controversies in the United States in recent years. There’s about 225,000 of them in Germany, of which 60 percent are in private hands.

Germans, for the most part, don’t have the same strong division on guns as Americans.

A December 2022 Civey poll found around 57 percent of Germans support tightening gun laws. Nine percent are undecided and just over a third are opposed.

Legalising cannabis 

The cannabis legalisation debate has been one of the most fascinating discussions in German politics since the traffic light coalition took office in late 2021. A key priority of the liberal Free Democrats (FDP), party leader Christian Lindner promised Germany would pass a legalisation bill this year with sales likely to start in 2024.

Man smoking cannabis

A man smokes at the ‘Global Marijuana March 2022’ at Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Christoph Soeder

Even Health Minister Karl Lauterbach, a Social Democrat (SPD) reportedly skeptical of legalisation at first, has changed his mind on it since entering government.

But has the average German?

According to one December 2022 poll, half of Germans are in favour of legalising cannabis, with younger people much more likely to be in favour.

Around 34 percent of people in Germany are opposed and 16 percent are unsure.

READ ALSO: German Health Minister lays out next steps for cannabis legalisation

Liberalising abortion

Although legal abortion is available in Germany, it remains more tightly restricted than in many other European countries.

The current traffic light government only got rid of restrictions on advertising it – a law dating back to the Nazi era – last year.

This often meant that doctor’s practices that performed abortions couldn’t put information on their websites or brochures about the procedure. Someone looking to have one done would typically have to go in and ask the doctor if they did the procedure.

A pro-choice counter protester at the "March for Life" demo against abortion in Berlin in September 2020.

A pro-choice counter protester at the “March for Life” demo against abortion in Berlin in September 2020. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Jörg Carstensen

Abortion remains restricted to the first 12 weeks of pregnancy and women seeking one often need to go through counselling before getting the procedure.

At around 68 percent of regular Germans polled in 2021 though, most say that abortions are acceptable. Sixteen percent say they are sometimes acceptable and sometimes not. Only around 15 percent of Germans say abortion is completely unacceptable.

READ ALSO:

Gay marriage and gender self-determination

In 2022, transgender rights activists celebrated after Germany passed a self-determination law, allowing for an easier process to change gender legally.

At the time it passed, Germans were still divided on the law, with slightly more in favour of it than not. Forty-six percent of Germans were in favour at the time the gender self-determination law passed in June 2022, while 41 percent were opposed.

People wave flags at gay pride in Cologne on July 3rd.

People wave flags at gay pride in Cologne on July 3rd. The Cologne CSD is one of the largest events of the LGBTQ+ community in Europe. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Marius Becker

READ ALSO: Germany plans to make legal gender change easier

Germany was one of the last major western countries to legalise marriage equality.

Having only passed legislation in 2017, after Angela Merkel’s conservative Christian Democrats repeatedly blocked marriage initiatives in parliamentary committees, Germany was beaten to the punch by the US, UK, Ireland, Canada, France, New Zealand, South Africa, and Brazil – among many others – in providing full marriage equality to gays and lesbians.

Despite conservative opposition, by the time marriage equality passed, German society had already become markedly accepting of it.

Seventy-five percent of people in Germany polled in 2017 supported marriage equality, including 53 percent of church-going Christians – signalling that even this community had changed its opinion on gay marriage over time. Support among religiously unaffiliated Germans or non-practicing Christians stood at over 80 percent in 2017.

READ ALSO: Germany legalises gay marriage in historic vote

What’s the conclusion?

As the polls show, Germans are largely split on many of the social issues the government is currently debating, including dual citizenship. However, at the moment the more liberal governing coalition means the country is heading in a progressive direction.

The cautious debate around certain topics, such as abortion, however, shows that Germany has a strong conservative pull in its politics, which is likely linked to the country’s religious roots.

On many issues though, whether on abortion or gay rights – Germans, even religious ones, are fairly liberal.

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IMMIGRATION

‘Shift to the right’: How European nations are tightening migration policies

The success of far-right parties in elections in key European countries is prompting even centrist and left-wing governments to tighten policies on migration, creating cracks in unity and sparking concern among activists.

'Shift to the right': How European nations are tightening migration policies

With the German far right coming out on top in two state elections earlier this month, the socialist-led national Berlin government has reimposed border controls on Western frontiers that are supposed to see freedom of movement in the European Union’s Schengen zone.

The Netherlands government, which includes the party of Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders, announced Wednesday that it had requested from Brussels an opt-out from EU rules on asylum, with Prime Minister Dick Schoof declaring that there was an asylum “crisis”.

Meanwhile, new British Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the left-wing Labour Party paid a visit to Rome for talks with Italian counterpart Georgia Meloni, whose party has neo-fascist roots, to discuss the strategies used by Italy in seeking to reduce migration.

Far-right parties performed strongly in June European elections, coming out on top in France, prompting President Emmanuel Macron to call snap elections which resulted in right-winger Michel Barnier, who has previously called for a moratorium on migration, being named prime minister.

We are witnessing the “continuation of a rightward shift in migration policies in the European Union,” said Jerome Vignon, migration advisor at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank.

It reflected the rise of far-right parties in the European elections in June, and more recently in the two regional elections in Germany, he said, referring to a “quite clearly protectionist and conservative trend”.

Strong message

“Anti-immigration positions that were previously the preserve of the extreme right are now contaminating centre-right parties, even centre-left parties like the Social Democrats” in Germany, added Florian Trauner, a migration specialist at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, the Dutch-speaking university in Brussels.

While the Labour government in London has ditched its right-wing Conservative predecessor administration’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda, there is clearly interest in a deal Italy has struck with Albania to detain and process migrants there.

Within the European Union, Cyprus has suspended the processing of asylum applications from Syrian applicants, while laws have appeared authorising pushbacks at the border in Finland and Lithuania.

Under the pretext of dealing with “emergency” or “crisis” situations, the list of exemptions and deviations from the common rules defined by the European Union continues to grow.

All this flies in the face of the new EU migration pact, agreed only in May and coming into force in 2026.

In the wake of deadly attacks in Mannheim and most recently Solingen blamed on radical Islamists, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s government also expelled 28 Afghans back to their home country for the first time since the Taliban takeover of Kabul.

Such gestures from Germany are all the more symbolic given how the country since World War II has tried to turn itself into a model of integration, taking in a million refugees, mainly Syrians in 2015-2016 and then more than a million Ukrainian exiles since the Russian invasion.

Germany is sending a “strong message” to its own public as well as to its European partners, said Trauner.

The migratory pressure “remains significant” with more than 500,000 asylum applications registered in the European Union for the first six months of the year, he said.

‘Climate on impunity’

Germany, which received about a quarter of them alone, criticises the countries of southern Europe for allowing migrants to circulate without processing their asylum applications, but southern states denounce a lack of solidarity of the rest of Europe.

The moves by Germany were condemned by EU allies including Greece and Poland, but Scholz received the perhaps unwelcome accolade of praise from Hungarian right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Moscow’s closest friend in the European Union, when he declared “welcome to the club”.

The EU Commission’s failure to hold countries to account “only fosters a climate of impunity where unilateral migration policies and practices can proliferate,” said Adriana Tidona, Amnesty International’s Migration Researcher.

But behind the rhetoric, all European states are also aware of the crucial role played by migrants in keeping sectors going including transport and healthcare, as well as the importance of attracting skilled labour.

“Behind the symbolic speeches, European leaders, particularly German ones, remain pragmatic: border controls are targeted,” said Sophie Meiners, a migration researcher with the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Even Meloni’s government has allowed the entry into Italy of 452,000 foreign workers for the period 2023-2025.

“In parallel to this kind of new restrictive measures, they know they need to address skilled labour needs,” she said.

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