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FRANCE EXPLAINED

Where does the ‘romantic, sexy French’ stereotype come from?

One of the most enduring stereotypes about the French is that they are romantic, charming, seductive and just downright sexy. We know this label can't possibly apply to an entire nation - but where does the image come from? And how do the French themselves feel about it?

Where does the 'romantic, sexy French' stereotype come from?
Alain and Nathalie Delon, stars of the French New Wave cinema and international sex symbols. Photo: AFP

Let’s get one thing clear – some French people are very, very sexy. Others are about as appealing as completing your French tax declaration. And the same can be said for all nations – so how did the anglophone world come to believe that all French people are innately stylish, beautiful and seductive?

The stereotype

In the anglophone world, the cliché about the French is that they are uniquely stylish and beautiful, sexually liberated and very interested in the world of love and romance.

In the case of French women they are alluring but aloof while Frenchmen – we are led to believe – are charming but faithless, always on the lookout for the next potential conquest and, of course, superb in bed.

While people like this probably exist, it’s far from the norm and yet this stereotype is remarkably enduring. 

We asked Emile Chabal, a Reader in History at the University of Edinburgh and a specialist in European political and intellectual life of the 20th century, to explain more.

He told us: “Traditionally, and I think certainly in the 20th century, the dominant ideal of romance and style that has come out of France has involved beautifully cut clothes, elegant interactions between very eloquent people and a society that is very free in terms of interactions between men and women. 

“And all of these stereotypes come together to form an image of the French as a particularly romantic people and France as the home of love.

“And I think these stereotypes in many ways are wrong – France in the 20th century is a very conservative society, gender roles are really quite strictly policed and France is of course a Catholic country, so that has imposed strict roles on men and women and how they can interact.

“But I think a combination of French cinema, French music and prominent women in French intellectual life, such as Simone de Beauvoir, all add up to create an idea of France as a country that is particularly open and free, especially in the domain of love and sex.” 

The history 

So when did the anglophone world start to believe that the French have a hotline to love?

Emile said: “From at least the 15th and 16th century the French are known in Europe for being stylish and fashionable in terms of clothing. But to my mind it’s not until the 20th century that the association with France and sexiness is really cemented.

“What happens is that the French succeed in packaging and selling a certain type of ‘Frenchness’ to foreigners, and this works particularly on Americans, and a major source of this stereotype comes from America.”

Yes, anyone who believes that this is purely to do with self-evident French sexiness might be disappointed – the ‘French style’ stereotype was deliberately packaged and sold by marketing companies, artists and even the French government.

Over the decades this French ideal has been used to sell everything from fashion and perfume to holidays and mid-range family cars (such as Papa and Nicole in the below advert).

Emile said: “The domain of fashion is really important – haute couture is a very conscious branding of Frenchness. The way that fashion houses like Dior and Yves Saint Laurent – which were subsidised by the State – become global is really tied up with French attempts to develop this as a soft power – at a time when France’s ‘hard power’ – that is, military power – is under question after World War II, decolonisation, the formation of the European union. 

“From 1960s onwards the French state starts to subsidise culture in a very direct way, whether that’s subsidies for film, fashion events etc. It’s not an accident that certain people are being given a global platform to market an idea of French style.”

And perhaps the art form that created the most enduring images of the French of moody, romantic and sexually liberated was the cinema of the French New Wave. 

“I think the French New Wave cinema has a lot to answer for – fashion and style becomes embedded in the way that foreigners see French intellectual life – they see a way of being cultured in France that also involves style – smoking cigarettes wearing fashionable shoes and clothes etc.

“A lot of New Wave cinema is trying to bring a certain French philosophical topics into the conversation, but one that is heavily influenced by an American aesthetic. So actually what people think of as a very French style is heavily influenced by America.” 

The Americans

Speaking of Americans, it was in the US that the ‘romantic Frenchie’ stereotype first really took off in the period after World War II.  

The US remains a huge market for France, particularly in the realm of tourism. 

Emile said: “The British relationship with the French is of course much much older, but it’s a complicated relationship with a lot of history of conflict. Even in the period after World War II British politics tend to define itself in opposition to the French – we are not a land of revolution, of protest we are a land of consensus, parliamentary politics and this is important in terms of how the British see themselves as a global power. 

“The American view is more about individual exchanges and there were two groups who were really influential here.

“The first is the well-off white American women – WASPS – who came to France on holidays or cultural exchanges or to study – think Jackie Kennedy.

“They’re looking for something from France, they believe it to be the land of romance, the land of fashion, the land of style. For the most part these well-off, well-educated women returned to the US after their time in France and became housewives, so they tended to see their time in France as a ‘last fling’. Even if they didn’t actually have a romance there was still this sense of France as a place of freedom and glamour.

“And although these type of women were really tiny in number they went on to become extremely influential in setting a certain romantic image of the French.

“The second group were African-Americans who came to France, particularly in the period after World War II, in search of a society that was more open to them, and then reported back that France was a sort of paradise of freedom – I’m thinking people like Miles Davies touring in France and then saying “They respect me for who I am”. 

Tourism

The most obvious success of France’s marketing of itself is in tourism where France is consistently the most visited tourist destination in the world, and Paris was in 2022 named the world’s ‘most powerful tourist destination’

“People came and continue to come in their millions to experience ‘Frenchness’,” said Emile.

“The packaging of France to the outside world leans very heavily on Paris – in contrast to marketing within France which centres on going to the mountains, the coast, the countryside and discovering new parts of the country. Paris is marketed to tourists, especially tourists from South Asia, China and the Gulf, as the home of luxury, fashion and romance.”

And if you want proof, check out this promotional video made by Paris City Hall in 2016 with the intention of luring tourists back to the city when visitor numbers fell after the 2015 terror attacks. The film begins, of course, with two attractive people in bed – the tagline isn’t quite ‘come to Paris and get laid’ but it’s not far off.

The future?

The classic stereotype still stands, but there has been a sustained backlash a lot of which has emanated from the French themselves – especially Frenchwomen who resent the narrow, restrictive stereotypes of the ‘French woman’, which really only ever encompassed a small group of wealthy, white, Parisian women.

Emile said: “There have been a number of high profile scandals among the intellectual elite involving paedophilia and incest, feminist groups are questioning this image of the ‘French woman’ and the gender roles that implies and there is an increasing focus on Black beauty as the ‘beautiful French woman’ stereotypes especially are overwhelmingly white.

“There’s also an evolution of style so that it encompasses more groups – it used to be that the French were stylish and the British eccentric so that if you didn’t want to dress in the traditional way in France you would go to Britain where people would tolerate you wearing weird things and that was great.

“That has affected this ability to market ‘French style ‘as universal. France has a long and contested history of trying to find a place for Black people and the questions are now being asked about whether these traditional styles work with Black bodies or Black hair and I think those have challenged the hegemony of French style.” 

But the stereotype is powerful and even though it is being questioned in France, it might take a long time to change preconceptions outside the country. 

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ELECTIONS

Analysis: Who are France’s 10 million far-right voters?

They're a significant chunk of the French population and they could usher in a whole new political era in France this Sunday - but who are the people who vote for Marine Le Pen's far-right party?

Analysis: Who are France's 10 million far-right voters?

In the first round of voting in France’s snap parliamentary elections on Sunday, Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement National took 33.4 percent of the vote – their score slightly boosted by an electoral pact with some members of the right-wing (formerly centre-right) Les Républicains party.

In the European elections a month earlier the party took 31.7 percent of the vote, and in fact the party’s vote share has been consistently at around 30 percent for some time – representing the three-way split that has existed in French politics since 2017 with voting blocks divided into Macron’s centrists, the far-right and the far left. 

Turnout in the first round of voting on Sunday was high at 66.7 percent, so that puts the number of French people who voted RN at around 9.4 million people, out of a total population of 67 million.

So who are these voters?

From being a fringe party of extremists when it was founded in the 1970s as Front National, the rebranded Rassemblement National (RN) is now a major political force and attracts support from a wide variety of people.

But while all voters are different, there are some consistent trends to Rassemblement National’s support.

Geography

RN is not a city phenomenon – the greatest part of their support comes from rural and small-town France. Vote share for RN in the first round of 2024 elections was 1.6 times higher in small to medium towns (50,000 inhabitants or less) than in the big cities.

And this is a long-term trend – in fact modelling from 2015 suggested that the biggest single factor in the likelihood of a person voting RN is how far away they live from an SNCF railway station.

The party has extremely weak support in the country’s biggest towns and voting maps tend to show cities as islands of leftist or centrist votes amongst the swathes of RN votes in rural France.

The below graphic shows the vote share among France’s biggest cities – strongly in front is the leftist alliance of the Nouveau Front Populaire (in pink) following by the centrist Ensemble (orange) and Rassemblement National in third.

Although they are definitely a nationwide movement these days, the party’s heartland is in north-east France – formerly the industrial heartland, the north-east now has relatively high levels of unemployment and low-wage jobs. As the working patterns shifted and jobs were lost the area moved from being a Communist stronghold to the power base of the far right.

Marine Le Pen’s seat is the former coal-mining town of Hénin-Beaumont – there the RN regularly scores 60 percent of the vote. She was re-elected outright in the first round of voting on June 30th after scoring 58 percent of the votes.

Demographics

Data collated by France Info, based on Ipsos polling, shows that RN support is strongest among the 34 to 69 age bracket – younger people are more likely to vote for the left while the centre is strongest among the over-70s.

The party gets the most support among people who classify themselves as ouvrières (workers, usually people in manual or low-skilled jobs), the left is strong among managers and professionals while retirees tend to vote centrist.

Education is also a strong marker of RN support – people who don’t have the Bac (high school diploma) are most likely to vote far-right while those who have a masters level or above university education are least likely to vote for them.

The French state’s ‘colourblind’ policy means that no data is collected on race or religion.

However, anecdotal evidence suggests that those who are immigrants themselves or the children of immigrants tend not to vote RN for obvious reasons – the party’s current policy wouldn’t just discriminate against immigrants in the job market and housing, it would also ban dual nationals from certain jobs. Of France’s 3.3 million dual nationals, most are people born in France who have a second nationality due to having a foreign parent.

However data also shows that French people who live in areas with a large immigrant population tend not to vote RN either.

Olivier Roy, research director at France’s CNRS (national centre for scientific research) says: “There are many towns with high concentrations of people of immigrant origin, and they vote [hard left] La France Insoumise.

“There’s an interesting lesson to be drawn from this: when a city is genuinely mixed, complex and diverse, the RN vote doesn’t rise – on the contrary. 

“In the countryside, on the other hand, the RN vote is massive – and that’s partly why the constituency level can lead to a majority of RN votes.”

Issues

So what motivates RN voters? The party itself has long been an anti-immigration party – its roots are racist and anti-Semitic and many of its candidates are proponents of conspiracy theories.

Although some RN voters are undoubtedly racist, polling suggests that more practical issues motivate many of its voters.

The issue of ‘medical deserts’ – areas without enough doctors to serve the population – and poor or non-existent public transport are seem as emblematic of how the RN heartlands of rural and small-town France has been left behind.

Olivier Roy added: “In many areas it is now very difficult to find a doctor; it is so difficult that it leads to a widespread feeling of impoverishment and loss of quality of life.

“This feeling of being downgraded also applies to transport: it is regularly announced – and in many places – that there will be no trains at weekends, that this is just the way it is, or that there will be no trains after 9.58pm for example.

“It’s all leading to a kind of fed-up, anti-establishment, anti-elite, anti-Parisian contempt.”

Although RN was not successful in co-opting the movement, much of its support comes from the heartlands of the ‘yellow vest’ protesters, who also embodied resentment against a perceived Paris-based elite and frustration at the areas that feel ‘left behind’.

In recent years the party, recognising that economics matter strongly to its voters, has modified its policies and is now a strong proponent of state intervention and financial aid.

During the 2022 election Marine Le Pen was among the first politicians to realise that the cost of living, especially in the wake of European inflation following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, would be the key issue of the campaign – her election platform placed huge emphasis on helping ordinary people deal with cost of living increases. 

The party is also strong on law and order, and frequently uses exaggerated or out-of-context figures to suggest that crime in France is out of control – and often tries to link crime, especially violent crime, to immigration or to young French people of immigrant background.

Identity

Although the party is founded on identity issues, it tends to avoid US and UK style ‘culture war’ topics such as trans rights of leftist bias in academic, perhaps recognising that they do not resonate strongly with voters who are struggling with more practical matters like paying bills.

The extreme right party Reconquête – founded by right-wing polemicist Eric Zemmour – has leaned in much more to culture war topics, although it does not so far seem to be a strategy that is paying off at the ballot box.

However the party does lean in to issues of French identity and is often to be found saying that “French people don’t recognise their country any more”.

In part this is due to the exaggerated fears of crime mentioned above, but the party has also weaponised football – saying that the French national team, which has many Black players, is “not representative”.

‘We’ve never tried that’

Rassemblement National also benefits from being the only one of the leading parties to have never disappointed the French electorate (because they have never been in power).

Over the past 70 years France has had left-wing governments, right-wing governments and more recently centrist governments. And all of them have managed to annoy a significant portion of the population through unpopular reforms or a lack of reforms – and French voters reliably detest all of their leaders in the end.

This gives RN the impetus to present themselves as a fresh face and a chance for something new.

It has also led to a flood of memes from non-RN voters, pointing out that sometimes things have never been tried for a very good reason.

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