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POLITICS

OPINION: Germany faces a hellish year in politics amid rise of far-right

Things aren't looking good for Germany's government, already torn apart by internal strife and growing populism, as many states head for the ballots later this year, writes Brian Melican.

An AfD election poster with the slogan
An AfD election poster with the slogan "The East stands up!" hangs on a main road in the district of Sonneberg, Thuringia. The AfD has had its biggest electoral successes in the east, and may well come in first in Brandenburg on Sunday. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Martin Schutt

What a difference a year makes – especially one like 2023. In late 2022, Germany appeared to have got back on an even keel after the fright of its life earlier that year: despite expectations, the gasometers were full and Putin’s troops were not parading through Kyiv on their way towards Poland.

Yet now here we are, slightly over twelve gruelling months later, a nervous wreck of a country in the early days of 2024 hovering between abject fear and resignation to our fate.

What went wrong in 2023?

The biggest problem is our lack of political leadership. Last autumn, when the first signs of serious political strain in Berlin started to become impossible to ignore, I argued that the tripartite coalition government was actually, given the unforeseen circumstances, making a decent fist of things.

Yet now, not even a convinced proponent of the social-liberal-green project like me is still going to try to defend the current administration. Somewhere in 2023, something broke, and even the last of us have lost faith.

Looking back, the debacle of the Heizungsgesetz this spring and summer was the straw that broke the camel’s back. The infamous Heating Act had the noble intention of decarbonising our primarily gas-fired infrastructure, but was seriously flawed, somehow managing to be both pie-in-the-sky unfeasible and terrifyingly specific at the same time – and, more damagingly, it bought out the worst in each of the coalition parties.

The Greens showed themselves to be just as dogmatic and ignorant of real-world concerns as their critics had always claimed; the FDP reverted to its populist, pig-headed political adolescence; and the SPD bigwigs dithered, wavered, and hoped that, by letting the other two tear strips off each other, they would come out of things looking like the adults in the room.

Robert Habeck Olaf Scholz Christian Lindner

Economics Minister Robert Habeck, Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) and Finance Minister Christian Lindner (FDP) hold a press conference on the budget crisis in Berlin in December. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/IMAGO/Bernd Elmenthaler | IMAGO/Bernd Elmenthaler

They didn’t, though. And for all his performative scowling, Scholz is clearly not up to the job of banging heads together when necessary; in fact, he has managed to look more indecisive than his predecessor Merkel, a past master in the art of putting things off.

Now, following the Constitutional Court’s recent decision that, no, you can’t simply take €60 billion of money ostensibly borrowed for fighting a pandemic and stick it in a climate transition fund (whoever would have thought it?), he and his government have reached a political dead end.

Back in those halcyon days of autumn 2021, they promised an audacious approach which would be more than just the lowest common denominator – and to avoid another stint as ‘the sick man of Europe’, what we need is genuinely transformative politics. Yet now, having failed to agree to any more than the bare minimum to get a budget through, our ministers backtracked on it.

READ ALSO: Is Germany really the sick man of Europe?

What to expect in 2024

Yes, 2024 is going to be hell. Precisely what kind of hell becomes clear when you realise that this government, already riven by internal strife, is headed for a punishing round of ballot-box defeats likely to break it apart.

Although Bundestag elections aren’t scheduled until autumn 2025, the parties in government are likely to get a pummelling in a range of other ballots next year – and each blow will make it all the more likely that one of them, punch-drunk, pulls the plug early.

While they might just make it through the predictable drubbing at the European and local elections on June 9th (about which, luckily for Scholz et al., no-one actually cares that much), there’s a left-right/one-two coming in September when Saxony and then Brandenburg go to the polls to elect their regional parliaments, the former on 1st (“Pinch, punch, first day of the month!”) and the latter on the 22nd.

Saxony, the racist-uncle home of such delightful political movements as PEGIDA (Remember them?) and the AfD’s unquestioned stronghold in Germany, is likely to return at least 30 percent far-right state parliament delegates, rendering itself essentially ungovernable.

Then there’s Thuringia, which hasn’t yet announced the date of its long over-due regional election, but which is already in a state of persistent political chaos.

The two options for governing these three eastern states next autumn will be rather unappetising.

Either every other party that isn’t the AfD – including the remnants of Die Linke (The Left) and, potentially, some of Sahra Wagenknecht’s breakaway weirdos – gets round a table to enable a bare-bones administration with the sole purpose of stopping the fascists, or the right-of-centre CDU takes a leaf out the Swedish Moderates’ playbook and gets itself into power on a confidence and supply agreement with the fascists.

READ ALSO: Scholz ‘concerned’ about growing far-right popularity in Germany

Either way, the fascists win. (I’m allowed to call the AfD fascist, by the way: court judgements have ruled that this does not constitute defamation when a party’s personnel are, well, openly fascist…)

At the same time, after having failed to make it over the five percent minimum in Berlin and Bavaria this year, it’s highly likely the FDP will disappear from at least two of the eastern regional assemblies in 2024, leading it to throw a wobbly, flounce out of Scholz’ government, and go full populist in an effort to galvanise its core supporters ahead of 2025.

Or it could even be the Greens who, stymied in their climate transition ambitions and also cruising for a ballot bruising, jump ship early. Given the state the government’s in, it’s tempting to say that it will be for the best, but the alternative is Scholz staying in power via a back-up fudge with Friedrich Merz’s rump CDU: “Yay! Yet another not-so- Grand Coalition…”

CDU leader Friedrich Merz speaks in the Bundestag.

CDU leader Friedrich Merz speaks in the Bundestag. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Kay Nietfeld

What new devilry…?

Whichever way it goes, Germany is now rudderless in a new year set to be easily as stormy as the one which just ended.

This winter will see some of the worst strikes in living memory, with train drivers threatening to walk out for up to five days at a time (or potentially longer) from January 8th while workers in all manner of other industries and public-sector services join them in wrangling over higher pay and/or shorter hours. Farmers are now replacing Extinction Rebellion (Whatever happened to them?) in blockading roads.

READ ALSO: Germany faces major strike week as numerous sectors threaten walkouts

And then there is the explosive combination of increasingly radicalised pro-Palestinian protests, a neo-Nazi terrorist underground which hasn’t gone away, and – this now clearly being the Worst Of All Worlds in which everything which can go wrong actually does – some new devilry from an unexpected corner. (Question: Do we have active volcanoes in Germany?) And in case you were wondering: yes, the recession is set to continue.

So even with a half-way decent government, we’d be pretty screwed: with this lot at the helm, I’d keep your life jacket very firmly on. No one likes to be the purveyor of exclusively bad news, though, especially not at the start of a new year, so I’ll close on the one positive note I can find in all this: inflation in food and consumer goods is easing off, down from sky-high to just high. Turns out, when everyone’s run out of money, businesses can’t raise prices as fast. So: Happy New Year!

Member comments

  1. As a non German I find it amazing that establishment has no interest in listening to pains of its citizens and then media complains rise of AFD and label each n everyone as far right.
    Current govt is the most non-competent even scoring below or at par with the lost man in America.
    Why blame rise of opposition instead look at the conditions which is pushing people to AFD

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POLITICS

ANALYSIS: What’s at stake in Germany’s eastern state elections?

After success in Thuringia and Saxony, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) may well come in first in another eastern state election this Sunday. We spoke with a political scientist to analyse what's at stake as Brandenburg goes to the polls.

ANALYSIS: What's at stake in Germany's eastern state elections?

German politics’ “eastern September” is set to finally end Sunday – with more ruminations and reflections likely to come about the recent fortunes of the far-right AfD at the ballot box.

If current polls are anything to go by, the AfD could come in first in the eastern state encircling Berlin – which counts Potsdam as its capital.

After overtaking the governing Social Democrats (SPD) in a recent shock poll, the party is currently at around 28 percent, compared to the SPD on 25 percent. The centre-right Christian Democrats come in at 16 percent in the latest poll and the left-populist Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) – named after its founder – charts in at 14 percent.

The remaining parties come in much lower – with the Greens, Left and liberal Free Democrats all facing possible ejection from the state parliament.

Another victory for the AfD – or even a strong showing should the SPD still manage a narrow surprise win – will certainly boost the far-right’s confidence, after it came in first in Thuringia and second in Saxony earlier this month, following state elections that saw all three of Germany’s federally governing parties take massive losses.

Thuringia and Saxony results will likely hang over Brandenburg on Sunday – with Germany’s governing parties, many everyday Germans, and foreigners all watching with some trepidation. Here’s what to watch out for following the Brandenburg result.

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

A newly confident AfD insists it must be part of government

The AfD has repeatedly argued that it must be considered as a possible coalition partner to join German governments – whether at the federal, state, or local level. 

“There are no politics without the AfD,” its co-leader Tino Chrupalla said following the Thuringia results. However, all other parties have explicitly refused to work with the AfD to form a governing coalition – meaning that as high as its results this month have been, they fall well short of the absolute majority that would be required to govern alone.

READ ALSO: ‘We need change’: Germany’s far-right eyes power after state election win

However, its getting more difficult to form coalitions to keep the AfD out, with the centre-right CDU in Thuringia even open to governing with the leftwing populist BSW after mainstream parties like the Greens and FDP were thrown out of state parliament entirely.

University of Mainz political scientist Kai Arzheimer, who specialises in the German far-right, says whether the far-right ever get into a German government or not depends mostly on whether – and how – the CDU is willing to work with the AfD.

Thuringia election results on a screen

People watch the first exit polls results for Thuringia’s state elections come in at the State Parliament in Erfurt on September 1st, 2024. Photo by Joerg CARSTENSEN / AFP

“For the time being, it should be able to form coalitions against the AfD, even if they are rather awkward,” says Arzheimer, who adds that even the different regional chapters of the CDU may have different opinions about working with the AfD.

“Within the eastern state parties of both the CDU and the FDP, there seems to be some appetite for coming to an arrangement with the AfD. While a formal coalition would probably split either party, we have already seen some tentative moves towards an informal cooperation.”

Ultimately, the Brandmauer or “firewall” concept in German politics – in which all other parties refuse to work with the AfD – may end up coming under increasing stress on the back of eastern state election results, where governing with the far-right no longer becomes unthinkable.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

What the mainstream parties take from eastern election results

It’s probably no coincidence that Germany’s ruling government decided to re-institute border controls at its land borders with other EU states shortly after the AfD topped the Thuringia state poll, according to Arzheimer, who says the elections are just the latest in a number of things at work when if comes to Germany’s migration debate.

“The border controls, the plans for the stricter enforcement of repatriation orders, and most of all the government’s harsher rhetoric are as much a reaction to Saxony and Thuringia as they are an attempt to control the fallout from the Solingen knife attack and a response to the whole ‘debate’ on immigration,” he says.

“Many experts seem to agree that they are neither practical nor that useful, and introducing them more or less overnight smacks of a degree of panic.”

READ ALSO: Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Polls conducted following the election found that migration and internal security issues were big drivers of the AfD vote – despite these being issues for the national, rather than regional, government. 

Of the AfD voters in Thuringia, more than 70 percent said either migration or crime and internal security played the largest role in influencing their vote. Slightly less than ten percent said social security. Despite the AfD’s pro-Russian views, only three percent of AfD voters in Thuringia said Germany’s support of Ukraine decisively influenced their votes.

Besides the mainstream parties like the SPD reacting with spur-of-the-moment migration policies, the Brandenburg result may end up putting pressure on Chancellor Olaf Scholz from within his own SPD.

Brandenburg SPD’s Dietmar Woidke may still be able to hold onto the premiership, but he has said he will resign if he doesn’t beat the AfD outright. Should he lose, calls may grow louder within the SPD for Scholz to resign himself – or at least declare that he won’t stand as a chancellor candidate again.

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany

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