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POLITICS

‘Silent majority’ marches against Germany’s far-right AfD

Revelations that members of the far-right AfD discussed mass deportation plans are pushing tens of thousands of Germans to protest in the streets and sparking debate on whether the anti-immigrant party should be banned.

People march against the AfD and extremism in Berlin on January 17th.
People march against the AfD and extremism in Berlin on January 17th. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Carsten Koall

From Cologne to Leipzig to Nuremberg, Germans across the country have mobilised over the last week, with another 100 demonstrations expected through the weekend.

Many of the demonstrations are held under the banner “together against the far-right”, with Chancellor Olaf Scholz and Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock also joining a spontaneous gathering in Potsdam, where they live.

Bundesliga coaches and church bishops have also issued calls warning against support for the AfD, with the manager of SC Freiburg Christian Streich saying that “anyone who does nothing now has learned nothing from school or history”.

The sudden and widespread mobilisation was sparked by a January 10 report by investigative outlet Correctiv which revealed that AfD members had discussed the expulsion of immigrants and “non-assimilated citizens” at a meeting with extremists.

Among the participants at the talks was Martin Sellner, a leader of Austria’s Identitarian Movement, which subscribes to the “great replacement” conspiracy theory that claims there is a plot by non-white migrants to replace Europe’s “native” white population.

PODCAST: Germany’s citizenship law reaches crucial stage and could the AfD be banned?

News of the gathering sent shockwaves across Germany at a time when the AfD is soaring in opinion polls, just months ahead of three major regional elections in eastern Germany where their support is strongest.

The “scandalous meeting” revived “the fear of deportations of millions of citizens or non-citizens, a fear that is part of the criticised heritage of Nazism,” said Hajo Funke, a political analyst who specialises in the far-right.

demonstration berlin

A protester at a demonstration in Berlin holds up a sign reading that ‘The AfD is not an alternative.” Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Soeren Stache

The “silent majority must wake up and take a clear position against extremism in Germany,” urged domestic intelligence chief Thomas Haldenwang.

Thanking those who have come out in the last days to make their voices heard, Scholz wrote on X that the protests “are encouraging and show  that there are more of us democrats than those who want to divide us”.

‘Normalisation over’

The AfD was created in 2013 as an anti-euro outfit before seizing on anger over mass migration to Germany to garner enough votes to enter the Bundestag in 2017.

While support for the party eased subsequently, it has enjoyed a resurgence over the last year, feeding on frustration as Germany ails from soaring inflation and a weak economy.

Nationwide, it is polling at about 22 percent, behind the conservatives but well above Scholz’s social democrats at about 16 percent.

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In eastern Germany however, it is leading the polls, with more than 30 percent in the states of Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg, which are all due to hold regional elections in September.

The AfD had planted itself firmly onto the political landscape since its entrance in the Bundestag but after the meeting unveiled by Correctiv, “this normalisation of the party is over,” said Funke.

The AfD confirmed the presence of its members at the meeting, but has denied taking on the “remigration” project championed by Sellner.

But the scandal showed “the real face” of the party, said Lars Klingbeil, co-leader of Scholz’s SPD.

Outright ban?

Voices calling for an outright ban of the party have also grown louder.

Even if it has few chances of succeeding, a petition demanding the removal of constitutional rights for Björn Höcke, one the AfD’s most controversial politicians, has already garnered a million signatures.

Several branches of the AfD are already under close surveillance of the domestic intelligence agency and in this context, “the state should look at a possible ban of the AfD,” said Wolfgang Thierse, a former speaker of parliament.

But others are sceptical about the effectiveness of launching such a long and complex procedure, as failure to win the ban risks further nourishing the AfD’s “victim narrative”.

But “if it’s proven that a party wants to transform the country into a fascist state, it must be banned, no matter how powerful it is,” said Vice Chancellor Robert Habeck in an interview with Stern magazine.

By Isabelle LE PAGE

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POLITICS

Why a row has broken out in Germany over pension reforms

Government parties in Germany are in a bitter row over the future of pensions and retirement in Germany. Here's a quick overview of what you need to know.

Why a row has broken out in Germany over pension reforms

Germany’s coalition government is having a rough time of it. 

Since the three parties – the Social Democrats (SPD), the Greens and the Free Democrats (FDP) – entered a coalition after the federal election in 2021, they have seen a significant dip in popularity according to polls. 

Despite some high profile policy achievements, such as citizenship and immigration reforms as well as the partial legalisation of cannabis, the coalition’s reputation has been marred by infighting. 

And the latest sticking point is pension policy. 

READ ALSO: Is it worthwhile to set up a private pension plan in Germany?

What’s the issue with pensions?

Last week, a high profile and long-awaited approval by the cabinet on a package shaking up pensions in Germany – called Rentenpaket II – was postponed. 

According to reports, Finance Minister Christian Lindner (FDP) had the topic removed from the agenda – effectively blocking it from moving forward.

That is despite Lindner agreeing on the pension reform, along with Labour Minister Hubertus Heil (SPD) and Economics Minister Robert Habeck (Greens), months ago.

The package, which Heil and Lindner presented in March, is intended to guarantee a pension level of 48 percent for the future — meaning that pensions would equate to 48 percent of your average salary over the course of your working time.

The government also plans to invest billions in the capital market and pay annual subsidies to the pension insurance from the interest earned starting in the mid-2030s. It means that in addition to the contributions and subsidies from the federal budget, the pension insurance scheme would receive a third source of funding.

READ ALSO: How Germany plans to stabilise pension contributions

But the final go ahead for the package has been stalled due to various disputes on social security and pensions — including over the budgeting for it. 

FDP calls for ‘fair’ budget policy 

The situation has got further complicated — and messy — after the FDP spoke out once again in favour of restricting early retirement at 63 in Germany, as part of a new policy paper urging a ‘budget turnaround’.

In the five-point paper on the welfare state, the Finance Minister’s party warns of the consequences of the current pension package, saying it will “overburden” budgets with too much spending on social welfare. 

The FDP's Christian Lindner has been rocking the coalition boat this week.

The FDP’s Christian Lindner. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Jessica Lichetzki

The FDP says it wants a “budget policy that is fair to all generations”. They want to see reforms to the social system as well as restricting access to early pensions for those who qualify. 

The latest policy paper, which the FDP plans to adopt at an executive meeting on Monday, echoes what the party has said previously in a 12-point plan aiming to ‘turn the economy around’ where it outlined how long-term unemployment benefit sanctions should be tougher. 

READ ALSO: Why a push for tougher benefit sanctions in Germany is sparking a dispute

What’s the reaction?

The FDP’s plans have been met with criticism from its coalition partners, the SPD and the Greens.

SPD General Secretary Kevin Kühnert rejected the proposals, including to restrict retirement at 63. “We can’t do that,” Kühnert told German broadcasters on Monday. 

He firmly believes that the cabinet will approve the coalition’s ‘pension package II’ in May as well as the 2025 budget in July.

“But everyone should now focus on the matter and publish fewer point papers,” he added, in view of the FDP’s recent pushes to assert its policies. 

However, it is unclear whether the FDP will agree to the pension package in its current form given the recent uproar. The decision to release these policy papers may also be a tactic to try and pull in potential voters ahead of the nationwide election in Germany in autumn 2025. 

Other politicians have hit out at the FDP. 

SPD party leader Saskia Esken told the Süddeutsche Zeitung that it wasn’t helpful if negotiations on the 2025 budget were accompanied by party-affiliated position papers every week.

Esken also said social security in Germany is a “non-negotiable” for the party.

READ ALSO: How does Germany’s retirement age compare to the rest of Europe’s?

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