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Can the French government cut the internet during riots?

France's government blocked the app TikTok on the French island of Nouvelle-Calédonie, in response to rioting. Politicians claim social media has played a vital role in organising and encouraging the violence, but does this give them the authority to cut off the internet?

Can the French government cut the internet during riots?
Two Independence activists manning makeshift roadblocks in the France's Pacific territory of New Caledonia. Photo by Theo Rouby / AFP

During the weeks of rioting that gripped France in summer 2023 – sparked by the death of a teenage boy at the hands of police – president Emmanuel Macron laid part of the blame for the disorder at the door of social media.

The French president reportedly said: “We have to think about the social networks, about the bans we’ll have to put in place. When things get out of control, we might need to be able to regulate or cut them off.”

His comments were made at a private meeting of 200 local mayors whose communes had been affected by the rioting. Afterwards, the government somewhat rowed back on his comments, saying that he had merely been discussing ideas.

However, when violent riots gripped the French Pacific islands of Nouvelle-Calédonie (New Caledonia) in mid-May, prime minister Gabriel Attal announced the government would block the social media app TikTok, claiming the violence was organised and encouraged on its platform. 

Immediately, objections were lodged by the French Ligue des droits de l’Homme (human rights league), the charity La Quadrature du Net and several residents of Nouvelle Calédonie.

Their appeal was fast-tracked to the Conseil d’Etat, France’s highest judicial court which rules on cases where citizens are in conflict with the government, as well as scrutinising proposed new laws and decrees. 

On Tuesday, the court announced that it had given the government an extra 24 hours to provide evidence of the role that TikTok has played in the violence.

The case

The Conseil d’Etat is examining, specifically, appeals filed against the government’s actions in Nouvelle-Calédonie, rather than the entire concept of cutting internet or social media services.

As well as playing a role in scrutinising planned new laws, the Conseil also acts as an arbitrator between citizens and the government – for example, the court heard several appeals filed by private citizens during the Covid lockdowns, arguing that the restrictions impinged on their personal freedoms. Ultimately, the court decided that the severity of the health situation justified such draconian restrictions.

READ ALSO What is the Conseil d’Etat and what are its powers?

In the case of Nouvelle-Calédonie, it is again asking the government to justify imposing restrictions on the population.

During a court hearing on Tuesday, the government’s representative highlighted the “strong match” between the profile and age of the rioters and those of the TikTok users, in order to justify its blocking.

The government’s case is that rioters used the app to organise their actions, as well as to “broadcast violent videos that arouse the public” – similar to the claims made by Macron during the summer 2023 riots in France.

However, the plaintiffs denounced “the absence of concrete elements proving the alleged link between the use of TikTok and the violence”, in particular extracts of such content from the social network.

The judge granted the government additional time to file evidence of the existence of these videos, such as screenshots.

What now?

The government must prove its case, rulings from the Conseil d’Etat are final and there is no right of appeal.

However this case refers specifically to the situation in Nouvelle-Calédonie, and would not necessarily set a precedent for internet blockages in different circumstances.

What does the law say?

French law contains a provision from 1955 which allows the government to block broadcasts or cut access to a network if – and only if – it is broadcasting “incitement to acts of terrorism or apology for terrorism”.

Although the law doesn’t specifically mention the internet (because it didn’t exist in 1955), its wording is broad enough to include web-based services. However, in Nouvelle-Calédonie the test for “inciting acts of terrorism” has not been met.

The government, therefore, seems to be relying on a broader concept of “exceptional circumstances” that allows the state to take extreme measures – it was this concept that was used to impose Covid-related restrictions. However, even during the pandemic, individual Covid-related measures such as lockdowns and mask mandates were scrutinised by the Conseil d’Etat, while the declaration of the state of emergency had to be regularly voted on in parliament.

Several days into the violence on Nouvelle-Calédonie, Macron declared a state of emergency – this state allows the government extra powers, but if it wants to extend the state of emergency beyond the two-week mark, it must be voted on in parliament.

The geographical situation of Nouvelle-Calédonie – an archipelago of small islands served by a single telecoms operator – has also made the ban easier to impose from a technical point of view. A similar ban in mainland France would require the cooperation of all operators and agreement at a European level.

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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: France has stepped away from the far-right abyss, but into a political morass

As France comes to terms with the shock defeat of the far-right and the dawning of a new type of politics, John Lichfield looks at what will happen next and whether any of the warring political parties in France are likely to compromise.

OPINION: France has stepped away from the far-right abyss, but into a political morass

First of all, congratulations to the people of France.

The crushing rejection on Sunday of an incompetent, divisive, mendacious Far Right – for the third time in seven years – was not the machination of an establishment elite.

Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella’s party was swept to an unlikely third place in the second round of parliamentary elections by a wave of popular revulsion. People voted tactically in their millions for politicians they disliked to defeat politicians that they detested.

Listen to John and the team from The Local discuss the latest election results in a special episode of the Talking France podcast. Download here or listen on the link below

The Republican Front, declared to be moribund or riddled with holes, proved far more effective than the politicians or pollsters had thought possible.

As a result, France stepped away from the abyss of government by a racist, anti-European, pro-Russian and incoherent, populist-nationalist Right. Instead, it stumbled into a parliamentary impasse with three blocs of roughly equal size in the National Assembly: the Left alliance (182 seats), the Macronist centre (162 seats) and the Far Right Rassemblement National (143 seats).

What on earth happens now? France, unlike Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland or Germany, has no living memory of broad, political coalitions. It has a parliamentary culture of intransigence and insults, rather than compromise.

The hard left part of the Left alliance, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s La France Insoumise, says that it must pick the next Prime Minister because it won a few seats more than other left-wing parties in a Popular Front bloc, which itself contains less than one third of the 577 members of the Assembly. Mélenchon conveniently forgets that the Left, including the LFI, won many of those seats with the help of centrist voters.

The LFI, and the young leftists who celebrated “victory” in Paris last night, have a strange “first-past-the-post” idea of how parliaments work. In truth, Mélenchon knows that he has no chance of choosing the next PM or imposing his deficit-exploding, economic policies. He is stoking the case for the state of grievance on which he thrives.

The best chance of a stable, or even unstable, governing coalition would be an understanding between the more moderate parties of the Left, the Macron alliance and the re-invigorated Gaullist centre-right.

Spokespeople for the Socialists, Greens and Communists on Sunday night appeared to rule out any kind of deal with the Macronist centre. The centre-right ruled out any alliance with anyone.

Ça commence bien.

But the process is only just beginning. Macron’s Prime Minister Gabriel Attal has resigned but will probably have after-life of at least two months as caretaker PM until the new Assembly starts its first full session in September.

He and President Macron will seek exploratory talks with all forces in the lower house of parliament except the Far Right and possibly Mélenchon’s LFI. They will try to identify a potential Prime Minister and the outlines of a programme to address the genuine grievances of French people (high cost of living, low wages, struggling public services).  

The moderate Left  – if it finally agrees to negotiate – will have to split with most of La France Insoumise. That is on the cards anyway. It will insist that it must have the next PM, even though without LFI, it will have a smaller bloc of deputies than Macron.

It will demand the reversal of last year’s pension reform (a no-no for the Centre), higher taxes on the rich and business, a hike in the minimum wage and greater spending on health and education.

It will also demand something else: that any Left-centre alliance (which might just have the numbers for a parliamentary majority) should NOT be an expanded Macron alliance.

They will demand that the new PM have full control over domestic policy and that Macron steps aside and focuses on international and defence policy (where the constitution gives him some direct powers).

Can Macron accept this? Very doubtful. But it will be the price of agreement on a coalition to prevent at least 12 months of paralysis until new parliamentary elections are possible in July next year.

The great flash-points in any coalition negotiations will be the 2025 state budget and France’s pledge to reduce its deficit of 5.1 percent of GDP to 3 percent by 2027. The other, more immediate flash-point, will be the choice of a PM.

The moderate Left will want to promote one of its own, fair enough. But any deal will depend on whether they can choose a man or woman acceptable to Macron and the Macron troops in the Assembly.  

In sum, a deal will depend on two or three impossible or near-impossible things.

First, that Emmanuel Macron accepts that he is one of the big losers in this election, not a winner just because he forced the French people to disavow the Rassemblement National.

Second, that the moderate Left splits with the LFI and accepts that it must compromise (filthy word) and drop the most deficit-exploding parts of the New Popular Front’s programme.

Third, that Macron and the Centre accept that some parts of the Left programme – such as tax rises on the rich, more public spending, a higher minimum wage – must be accepted and somehow sold to Brussels and financial markets.

Good luck, everyone.

For a few days let’s savour while we can the rout of Lepennism and Barsdellism. The pretence of the Rassemblement National to be a professional, moderate party ready to government was exploded in this lightning election campaign.

We should thank Emmanuel Macron for that. He must now accept that Macronism pur et dur is over. A new government – if any government can be agreed at all – must steer cautiously and without misplaced triumphalism to the Left.

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