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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: The best France can hope for now is 12 months of turmoil

Only a brave or foolish person would predict the outcome of the second round of the French parliamentary elections on July 7th - writes John Lichfield. Here goes anyway.

OPINION: The best France can hope for now is 12 months of turmoil
Deadlock in parliament and unrest on the streets may now be the best case scenario for France. Photo by Dimitar DILKOFF / AFP

Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National will narrowly fail to achieve an overall majority in the National Assembly. France will be plunged into a year of confusion and immobility with a lower house of parliament dominated by two angry, mutually-detesting blocs of Far Right and Left.

President Emmanuel Macron called the early election to restore “clarity”. Instead, he has created perilous uncertainty.

He has reduced his own parliamentary camp by up to two thirds. He has shown that the great majority of the country does NOT want a Far Right government. But he has left France perilously close to rule by an anti-European, pro-Russian party which seeks to return the country to a divisive and fake vision of a contented past.

It is evident that Le Pen COULD win a majority in the second round; but I believe that she will fail and that she will also fail to attract enough centre-right quislings to install her scary de facto Number Two Jordan Bardella as Prime Minister.

READ ALSO What next as far-right leads in first round of French elections?

Here are my reasons for cautious optimism – if wishing at least 12 months of drift and turmoil on France is optimism.

Sunday’s voting numbers suggest that the country looked into the abyss of a Far Right government and drew back. Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella vastly increased their support compared to the 2022 parliamentary election. But final opinion polls which projected a combined 36 percent or 37 percent for the Far Right and their centre-right collaborator Eric Ciotti proved exaggerated.

The RN alone won just under 30 percent of the vote – bad enough but less than its score in the European elections last month. Ciotti candidates added another 3 percent. Since Eric Zemmour’s alternative far right party, Reconquete!, was all but wiped out, this is NOT quite the populist-nationalist tsunami that some feared or forecast.

The vote for one iteration or another of the anti-European, anti-migrant, pro-Moscow nationalist Right has been around 30 percent for some time. Marine Le Pen took 13,208 686 votes in Round 2 of the Presidential election in 2022. Her party took 9,337,185 votes on Sunday.

All the same, the RN looks certain to expand its parliamentary party by 200 percent from 88 to at least 250 and maybe as many as 270. The new Assembly will be packed with Putin-fanciers, climate-change-deniers, anti-Semites, Islamophobes and conspiracy-theorists. Pauvre France.

Why do I believe that the RN will fail to achieve the 289 seats it needs for an overall majority?

After the first round results, there are potentially over 300 “triangular” or three-candidate second rounds out of 577. There are even four constituencies where four candidates have qualified for round two.

This is an all-time record for the present, convoluted parliamentary election system in which the first two candidates plus anyone who takes 12.5 percent of the registered first round vote qualify for a second round run-off. The high number of three-way second rounds has two explanations: the high turn-out 66.7 percent and the relatively small number of minor candidates in a surprise election.

The mass of three-way races offers an opportunity to the Left alliance and Macron centre to combine to support single anti-Far Right candidates in Round Two.

You can listen to John discuss the first round and what will happen next in the latest episode of our Talking France podcast.

READ ALSO Will parties withdraw candidates to block the far-right in round two of French elections?

Will they? In many cases, yes. Even the Far Left La France Insoumise – ambivalent in 2022 – has called on its third place candidates to withdraw in favour of better-placed Macron candidates.

The Presidential camp is foolishly divided on this question but its position is changing all the time and may become clearer soon. Macron’s party is up for a broad deal for mutual withdrawal of Centre and Left candidates. The other centrist parties, Modem and Edouard Philippe’s Horizons are saying that they will not  withdraw for the more extreme or allegedly anti-Semitic candidates of Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s LFI.  

Could this ruin the so-called Republican Front against the Far Right next Sunday? It will weaken it, I believe, but not ruin it. The final decision, in any case, is that of individual voters, not party leaders.

There are many other variables. It will be a new election on Sunday. The turnout may be lower. Or it might be higher. A different cast of electors might turn out.

There is also the question of the non-quisling centre-right – the great majority of Les Républicains deputies who refused to betray their party’s Gaullist past and follow Eric Ciotti last month into the ample arms of Le Pen. They did pretty well on Sunday and can hope to retain around 50 of their 61 deputies.

Will some be tempted to ally with Le Pen and Bardella if they are just short of a majority? Very few, I think. They will see their battered party’s resilience as a sign that they could still recover their past glories and could yet produce a serious presidential player in 2027. That will be impossible if they ally with the Far Right.

Centre-right voters are a different question. Some will go to Le Pen, others to the Centre or even moderate Left to block the Far Right. It was shameful but not surprising to see the once moderate-conservative-Gaullist but increasingly Lepennist newspaper Le Figaro suggest to its readers that they should support the Far Right in Round Two to avoid the confusion of a blocked parliament.

Much will shift and swirl in the next week. I may prove to be foolish rather than brave. But my gut feeling is that Le Pen and Bardella will be stranded on 260 or so seats and will be unwilling or unable to form a government.

President Macron might try to carve a new ad hoc majority out of the centre-left, centre-right and centre. He will also fail. The most he can realistically hope for is for a working minority to support some kind of technocratic, caretaker government until new elections are legally possible in 12 months’ time.

Is it inevitable that Le Pen and Bardella will then claim the outright victory that I think they will be denied on Sunday? Maybe.

But let’s be optimistic. The country has looked into the abyss and recoiled once. It could well do so again.

Member comments

  1. Wow, throw an “allegedly” in there and you can falsely defame anyone, I guess:

    “allegedly anti-Semitic candidates of Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s LFI”

    I stopped reading there.

  2. A very leftist view of the situation in France. It was painful to read this biased reporting.
    Do you always write inflammatory statements? I am thinking of never subscribing again as I don’t want to pay for junk reporters.

  3. A small grain of hope in there. Thanks John for the sharp analysis. Crossing fingers you are correct.

  4. Here’s hoping Litchfield is right about the final result after Round 2. As for the comments of Harry, what do you find objectionable in Litchfield’s analysis? I hope an RN government, should there be one, will govern responsibly, however, there is no denying they have some extreme candidates.

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ELECTIONS

French election breakdown: Panic, last-minute deals and echoes of Vichy

From last-minute candidate withdrawals to far-right seat projections, via the Paris paradox and echoes of Vichy - here's all the latest from the campaign trail as we head into the second round of voting in France's snap parliamentary elections.

French election breakdown: Panic, last-minute deals and echoes of Vichy

During the election period we will be publishing a bi-weekly ‘election breakdown’ to help you keep up with the latest developments. You can receive these as an email by going to the newsletter section here and selecting subscribe to ‘breaking news alerts’.

Onwards to round two

It’s hard to believe but just one month ago we had no inkling that a French election was even on the horizon. 

A lot has happened since then, including the first round of voting on Sunday, June 30th, which delivered the predicted but nonetheless shocking win for the far-right Rassemblement National.

Now we are looking ahead to the second round of voting on Sunday which will deliver the final verdict.

There seems little doubt among the (usually very accurate) French pollsters that RN will become the biggest party in the parliament – the only question is whether they will get enough seats to form an absolute majority

Listen to the team from The Local discuss the election latest on the Talking France podcast – download here or listen on the link below

Three’s a crowd

It’s all been about triangulaires this week, so at least we have learned a new French word.

In a political context, triangulaire means a three-person contest in July 7th’s second round of voting. In previous elections there have just been a handful of these (in the 2022 parliamentary elections there were eight three-person run-offs, almost all the rest were two-person or duels), which is why they have not loomed large in election discussions before.

In these elections though, the high turnout combined with a lack of candidates from smaller parties (due to the last-minute announcement) produced an unusually high number of triangulaires – more than 300 in fact.

It quickly became apparent that the most effective way to block the rise of the far-right would be for the third-placed centrist or left candidates in a three-way race to withdraw in order to avoid splitting the anti- far right vote.

So a no brainer, right?

Unfortunately not. Although more than 200 candidates ultimately did withdraw in order to faire un barrage (create a roadblock) for the far-right, others did not and the centrist leaders in particular seemed to find it difficult to simply say that everything possible should be done to counter the rise of the far-right.

Former prime minister Edouard Philippe, centrist leader François Bayrou and Macron’s finance minister Bruno Le Maire were reportedly among the most reluctant to faire le barrage.

Many of the candidates who did withdraw said: “Nous pouvons nous remettre d’une défaite, mais pas d’un déshonneur” (we can recover from defeat, but not dishonour), illustrating how this election has gone gone way beyond the normal political to-and-fro. 

Paris v France

One thing this election has underscored is the difference between Paris and much of the rest of France – Rassemblement National has extremely weak support in the capital and its suburbs and many of the election maps show Paris as an island of red among the RN blue.

Paris is different from much of the rest of France in lots of ways – and it’s a long-standing point of irritation for many French people that foreigners generalise things that only happen in Paris as being ‘typically French’.

But the political difference is very striking – and in fact much of the RN vote is driven by French voters feeling forgotten, ignored or patronised by decision-makers in Paris.

I was talking this week to a young French woman of Algerian heritage who said that after seeing the election maps she now feels frightened to go outside the Paris region – a comment I found absolutely heartbreaking.

Echoes from history

I’ve heard a lot of English language media use the comparison that a Le Pen government would be the first far-right government in France since World War II.

This is technically correct – the collaborationist Vichy government that was in power during the Nazi occupation was undoubtedly far-right and in some instances went even further than the Germans demanded with their anti-Semitic actions. There were also extremely socially conservative when it came to domestic policy – abortion became a capital crime punished by death by guillotine (before the war it had been illegal but the penalty was imprisonment or a fine).

There is one fairly crucial difference though – the French people did not choose them. The Vichy government wasn’t democratically elected, it was imposed on the people after the fall of France in 1940.

A Le Pen government would be the first time in France’s history that the people elected a far-right government. 

How to follow all the French election news this weekend

You can follow all the latest election news HERE or sign up to receive these election breakdowns as an email by going to the newsletter section here and selecting subscribe to ‘breaking news alerts’.

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