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Which countries have an immigration deal with Germany?

In a move to encourage skilled immigration into the country, Germany has signed two new migration pacts with Kenya and Uzbekistan. Which countries have similar deals with Germany - and what do they mean?

Published: 16 September 2024 12:29 CEST

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz in Uzbekistan

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz is greeted at the airport in Samarkand, Uzbekistan. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Michael Kappeler

Germany’s urgent search for skilled workers is well known – and over the past few years, the government has been throwing everything at the problem.

One of the most notable attempts to tackle labour shortages is the Skilled Worker Immigration Law, which came into force in phases in 2023 and 2024. Among other things, this new law loosened the salary requirements for Blue Card holders, created a new points-based visa for jobseekers, relaxed rules for international students and paved the way for easier family reunification.

With so many big changes coming into force with the Skilled Worker Law, far less attention has been paid to a series of pacts that the government has been signing with non-EU countries around the world.

Nevertheless, these deals are a cornerstone of the government’s attempts to get young, qualified workers into the country, and they’re likely to have a significant impact on immigration to Germany in the coming years.

Who currently has an immigration deal with Germany?

Back in December 2022, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock signed the first of its new immigration deals with India, paving the way for easier mobility between the two countries.

It was the outcome of several months of intensive negotiations and covered employment for skilled workers in both the scientific and cultural sector, as well as students and trainees.

At the time, around 200,000 Indians were living in Germany, including around 34,000 international students. By the end of 2023, this had shot up to 246,000, suggesting that the migration deal was already having a profound impact.

The next migration deal was concluded in December 2023 with Georgia – a country that is currently applying for EU membership. At the same time, the eastern European country was reclassfied as a safe country of origin, meaning asylum applications from Georgia would be generally denied.

Previously, around 15 percent of rejected asylum applications in Germany had come from Georgia and Moldova – a number that dropped significantly after the new deal was announced. As with India, the aim of the deal was to improve routes for skilled migration, though with a population of just 3.7 million, Georgia is a far smaller country.

William Ruto Olaf Scholz

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (R) and Kenya’s President William Ruto shake hands at the end of a joint press conference. Photo: Tobias SCHWARZ/AFP.

At the start of 2024 came the next two deals with Morocco and Colombia, deepening Germany’s ties with the populous African and Latin American countries. In a visit to Morocco in January, Interior Minister Nancy Faeser (SPD) pledged to work more closely with her Moroccan counterparts on migration and other domestic issues.

The Colombia deal also reflects Germany’s recent attempts to woo young people in Latin American countries to bring their qualifications and expertise to Europe’s largest economy. Back in June 2023, Labour Minister Hubertus Heil (SPD) signed a “declaration of intent” with Brazil “to promote the mutual exchange of skilled workers”.

Though this stopped short of a full migration pact, the aim was to encourage some of the 2.5 million qualified nurses in Brazil to come and work in Germany’s struggling care and health sectors.

Most recently, this September, two further deals were concluded with Kenya and Uzbekistan. Celebrating the Kenya deal, Chancellor Olaf Scholz pointed to the fact that the country has “an unbelievable amount of IT expertise” within the population: an area of the workforce that Germany is desperate to strengthen.

According to the Interior Ministry, Germany is currently in the process of thrashing out additional deals with Ghana, Kyrgyzstan and the Philippines. An upcoming migration pact with Moldova has already been largely implemented.

What do the migration pacts say?

Though each of the migration agreements has its own regional inflections, all of them broadly cover two main objectives: encouraging skilled workers, students and trainees to come to Germany, and helping the government send back those who are living here illegally.

When it comes to the former, this involves offering fresh routes for people from those countries to find skilled employment or a placement for studies or vocational training in Germany. Many of the countries Germany has deals with have younger populations with higher unemployment rates.

With the latter, Germany’s partner countries generally agree to loosen up their rules for accepting illegal migrants back into the country, as well as helping identify who might be in Germany without a permit.

In the case of the Kenya deal, for example, the Interior Ministry noted that Kenya was the first country south of the Sahara to agree to help identify irregular migrants through biometric data. Additionally, the Kenyan government has agreed to accept expired passports and ID cards to make it easier for Kenyans who have been in Germany for several years illegally to return home.

Speaking to regional media outlet BR24, migration researcher David Kipp said it would take time for Germany to see the positive effects of the new pacts. However, Kipp believes that they could play an important role in Germany’s efforts to combat its labour shortages.

In the case of India – the earliest of the recent migrations pacts – the fact that around 50,000 Indian citizens came to Germany within the first year alone demonstrates the country’s pull for skilled migrants, Kipp added.

However, the researcher believes that other deals – such as those between the EU and Egypt and Tunisia – are likely to have a larger impact on curbing irregular migration. That said, these deals have been criticised for encouraging human rights abuses, such as Tunisia’s recent “pushbacks” of irregular migrants into the surrounding desert.

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Thousands of jobs have already been lost in the region, where wind farms now rise near abandoned open-pit mines and many people look with dread towards 2038, the deadline for the “coal exit”.

Their fears help explain the strong local support for the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which does not just rail against migrants but also rejects the green energy push and questions man-made climate change.

At local elections held in Spremberg in June, the AfD scored 39.3 percent – an omen ahead of regional elections next Sunday in the state of Brandenburg, which polls suggest it could win.

Lignite, or brown coal, may be a climate killer, but since the 19th century it has been key to the identity of the Lusatia industrial region on the Polish border, known as the Lausitz in German.

“Thousands of people here have been linked to coal their whole working lives,” said the town’s mayor, Christine Herntier, an independent who has held the post for a decade.

“We are proud of our tradition,” said Herntier, 67, pointing to a huge map on her office wall of the Schwarze Pumpe plant and its surrounding industrial complex.

Most people in Spremberg, population 25,000, have grudgingly accepted the coal phase-out plan, under which the government has earmarked billions for structural transition plans, she said.

But, she added, ahead of the state election the winding down of coal “is still a big issue”.

‘Anger over wind farm’

Michael Hanko, the AfD’s top representative in Spremberg, said he is certain that the looming demise of the lignite industry is “one of the main reasons” residents are voting for his party.

“I don’t think the government has really got them on board with this whole prescribed transformation, saying that we now have to do everything with renewable energies,” Hanko said.

Michael Hanko, the AfD (Alternative for Germany) top candidate, in Spremberg, eastern Germany on, September 9, 2024. Photo by Femke COLBORNE / AFP

The AfD, founded about a decade ago, scored a triumph earlier this month when it won an election in the eastern state of Thuringia and came a close second in Saxony.

It now also has a good chance of winning in Brandenburg, the state that surrounds Berlin, where it is polling narrowly in first place at around 27 percent.

When the German government decided five years ago to phase out coal, it pledged around €40 billion to help coal regions adapt, with €17 billion for the Lausitz alone.

Much of the money is intended to flow into developing the renewables and hydrogen sectors, helping the region maintain its identity as an energy hub.

But residents complain the investment has been too slow to materialise and is flowing into the wrong places.

In Spremberg, plans to extend a nearby wind park have caused outrage among some locals, who fear it will be a threat to 150-year-old trees, a protected swallow species and drinking water.

‘Something different’

Coal has long been synonymous with the Lausitz region, which takes in parts of Brandenburg and Saxony and a small strip of Poland, and where lignite was discovered in the late 18th century.

But the industry all but collapsed after German reunification in 1990, when most of the region’s open pit mines were shut down and thousands of jobs vanished.

Today, only around 8,000 people are employed in the lignite industry across the Lausitz, with 4,500 of them in Brandenburg, though the industry is still one of the largest private employers in the state and coal remains a strong part of the region’s identity.

Already weary from the problems caused by reunification, people in the region have felt “overwhelmed” by recent global challenges, said Lars Katzmarek, a board member of the Pro-Lausitz campaign group.

Lars Katzmarek, board member of the Pro-Lausitz campaign group. Photo by Femke COLBORNE / AFP

“The coronavirus, the energy crisis, the Ukraine war – these are all very difficult things that people still haven’t fully digested… and perhaps at some point they just close their ears,” he said.

On a rainy morning in Spremberg, Joachim Paschke, 81, who used to work in mechanical engineering and welding, was buying bread rolls in the bakery opposite the town hall.

“I’m definitely not an AfD supporter but I can understand people who are,” he said.

“The established parties have nothing concrete and the AfD is offering something different. People want change.”

By Femke COLBORNE