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Why economists are worried about Italian populists’ government plan

The eurozone may have dodged a bullet when Italian populist parties gave up a plan to exit the single currency, but their free-spending ideas could still set them on a collision course with EU partners, economists said on Friday.

Why economists are worried about Italian populists' government plan
A woman reads the government programme on the M5S website. Photo: Vincenzo Pinto/AFP

More than two months of political deadlock looked to be nearing a close with the unveiling of the plan by the anti-establishment Five Star Movement and the far-right League party.

The manifesto contains a cocktail of measures with a neo-Keynesian flavour designed to stimulate consumer spending and kickstart growth, including drastic tax cuts, a universal basic income and financial help for families — with the aim of reducing the country's gigantic debt mountain of 2.3 trillion euros ($2.7 trillion).

“At face value, the coalition agreement between La Lega and the Five Star Movement threatens to reignite the euro crisis and raises concerns about the sustainability of Italy's debt position,” warned analysts at Oxford Economics.

READ MORE: Here are the key proposals from the M5S-League government programmeHere are the key proposals from the M5S-League government programme
Photo: Tiziana Fabi/AFP

'Irresponsible', 'harmful'

The plan poses “no direct threat to Italy's euro membership”, said Holger Schmieding, an analyst with the Berenberg bank, but it still “includes a list of fiscally irresponsible and economically harmful measures”.

Schmieding said there was every chance that the long list of measures would be “watered down” under pressure from the Italian president, the country's top court and its EU partners. “Although we have to brace ourselves for significant noise, including clashes between Rome and Brussels, a truly disruptive crisis is probably not on the cards for now,” he said.

The parties' supporters say some of the extra costs generated by free-wheeling spending plans could be financed by measures against tax fraud and the waste of public funds. But experts say the strategy still amounts to a monumental gamble, and could well knock off course the trajectory of Italy's annual deficit, which was 2.3 percent of GDP in 2017 and is projected to fall to 1.7 percent this year.

The Oxford Economics Institute puts the combined cost of the key measures — citizens income, tax cuts and lowering the retirement age — at 100 billion euros per year.'

“The planned increases in expenditure and tax cuts are likely to drive Italy's national debt, which is already very high, even further up,” said analysts at Commerzbank.

The two parties have meanwhile vowed that any move to widen the deficit would be “appropriate and limited”.

Instead of inflating the deficit, M5S leader Luigi Di Maio told journalists, the allies would ask the European Union for a rebate of part of the 20 billion euros that Italy pays into the EU budget every year.

Change the rules

The Italian projects have, predictably, raised red flags in Brussels, with EU Commission Vice President Jyrki Ktainen urging Rome to respect the EU stability and growth pact which Italy would be violating if its deficit should rise back above 3.0 percent of GDP.

EU Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis said that Italy's debt-to-GDP ratio, the eurozone's second-worst after Greece, needed to be put on a downward trajectory. But the League and M5S appear to be hoping that they can get off the hook by getting the Commission to change the rules that currently apply to deficit calculations.

Concretely, they suggest separating “productive investment” from “current deficits” in the name of “consolidating growth”, instead of lumping them together. More generally, the two parties said they want to revise the entire “framework of economic governance” which they believe is too much based on the “dominance of markets”.

That means there is still plenty of scope for conflict even after the parties dropped radical moves contained in earlier drafts which, besides exiting the euro, also included a demand that the European Central Bank cancel 250 billion euros of Italian debt.

Their current wishlist also includes a vague call for international central bank cooperation, more power for the European Parliament and measures against price dumping within the EU.

By Celine Cornu

EUROPEAN UNION

EU shifts right as new team of commissioners unveiled

After weeks of political horse-trading, European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen unveiled on Tuesday a new top team tasked with shoring up the EU's economic and military security through the next five years.

EU shifts right as new team of commissioners unveiled

Faced with Russia’s war in Ukraine, the potential return of Donald Trump as US president and competition from China, the new commission will need to steward the EU at a time of global uncertainty.

To confront the challenges, von der Leyen handed powerful economic portfolios to France, Spain and Italy — with a hard-right candidate from Rome taking a top role in a commission seen shifting broadly rightward.

“It’s about strengthening our tech sovereignty, our security and our democracy,” the commission chief said as she announced the team at the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

France’s outgoing foreign minister Stephane Sejourne was handed an executive vice president role overseeing industrial strategy, after von der Leyen ousted Paris’s first nominee.

Spain’s Teresa Ribera, a socialist climate campaigner, was also made an executive vice president, tasked with overseeing competition and the bloc’s transition toward carbon neutrality.

As Russia’s war against Ukraine grinds on through a third year, security and defence assumed a new prominence.

Former Lithuanian prime minister Andrius Kubilius landed a new defence role overseeing the EU’s push to rearm, making him one of several hawkish Russia critics in eastern Europe to receive a prominent position.

Those also include Estonia’s ex-premier Kaja Kallas, already chosen by EU leaders as the bloc’s foreign policy chief.

And Finland, another country neighbouring Russia, saw its pick Henna Virkkunen given a weighty umbrella role including security and tech.

As part of the bloc’s careful balancing act, the German head of the EU executive had to choose the lineup for her second term from nominees put forward by the other 26 member states.

That has meant treading a political tightrope between the demands of competing national leaders — and putting some noses out of joint.

The highest-profile casualty was France’s first-choice candidate Thierry Breton, who quit suddenly as internal market commissioner on Monday accusing von der Leyen of pushing Paris to ditch him.

Von der Leyen fell short in her efforts at gender balance, ending up with 40 percent women after pressuring member states for female nominees.

But women obtained the lion’s share of executive VP roles, with four of six posts.

Controversial Italian pick

The choice of who gets which job is an indication of where Brussels wants to steer the European Union — and the weight commanded by member states and political groupings after EU Parliament elections in June.

Cementing its status as parliament’s biggest group, Von der Leyen’s centre-right European People’s Party commands 15 of 27 commission posts — to the chagrin of left-wing lawmakers like France’s Manon Aubry who warned of a lurch “far to the right” in terms of policies too.

Among the powerful vice presidents is Italy’s Raffaele Fitto, handed a cohesion brief in a nod to gains made by far-right parties in the June elections.

Giving a top role to a member of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s post-fascist Brothers of Italy party has raised hackles among centrist and leftist groups — while Meloni said it “confirms the newfound central role of our nation in the EU”.

After Green party losses at the June ballot, whether climate would remain high on the agenda and which commissioners would steer green policy was a subject of scrutiny.

As well as Ribera’s overarching role, the centre-right Dutchman Wopke Hoekstra will carry on in a position handling climate and the push to make the EU carbon neutral.

Among other eye-catching choices, Croatia’s Dubravka Suica obtained a new role overseeing the Mediterranean region, and the enlargement gig went to Slovenia’s Marta Kos — yet to be confirmed as her country’s candidate.

Other important figures going forward look set to be Slovakia’s Maros Sefcovic, handling trade, and Poland’s Piotr Serafin, who will steer negotiations over the bloc’s next budget.

All would-be commissioners still need to win approval from the European Parliament, with hearings to start in coming weeks.

Lawmakers could flex their muscles by rejecting some candidates — or at least dragging them over the coals, as expected with Italy’s Fitto.

Chief among those suspected for the chopping block are Hungary’s Oliver Varhelyi, nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s man in Brussels these past five years, who received a diminished portfolio covering health and animal welfare.

The stated target is to have a new commission in place by November 1st, but diplomats say that looks ambitious, with December 1 more likely.

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