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Open borders for all? The debate dividing Germany’s Die Linke

Germany’s Die Linke (The Left party) has traditionally supported open borders. Some members think that position is driving voters away - while others accuse them of betraying the party’s roots.

Open borders for all? The debate dividing Germany’s Die Linke
Die Linke's parliamentary chairperson Sarah Wagenknecht (left) and party leader Katja Kipping. Photo: DPA

At this weekend’s party conference in Leipzig, members of Die Linke voted for a motion calling for “open borders”. The question is, open for who?

Typically, the party has understood open borders to mean open for everyone, whether people fleeing war and persecution in their homeland or people simply looking for a better life, and a better job, in Germany.

Sahra Wagenknecht, the party’s parliamentary co-chairperson, sees things differently.

“There have to be open borders for the persecuted,” she said, “but we certainly can’t say that anyone who wants to may come to Germany, claim social benefits, and look for work.” That point of view is “detached from reality”, she claimed.

Wagenknecht has practical concerns: she worries that the Left’s support for open borders, beyond the recognition of right to asylum, is driving voters away from the party. She also fears that uncontrolled migration increases the pressure on Germans looking for work.

Nevertheless, many members consider open borders for all a fundamental part of the The Left's identity, an ideal they are not willing to give up. Party leaders Katja Kipping and Bernd Riexinger, belong to that group. In her speech, Kipping personally criticized Oskar Lafontaine, Wagenknecht’s husband and one of modern Germany’s most famous left-wing politicians – she complained that Lafontaine was “questioning this party’s democratic decisions” about refugee policy.

One of Kipping’s allies then accused Wagenknecht of splitting the party. Wagenknecht responded that open borders don’t help starving people in Africa who can’t make it to Europe, upon which some members booed her loudly.

It’s unclear which wing of the party will have the upper hand in the long run. The motion backing “open borders” leaves room for interpretation in terms of who may cross them. Such uncertainty is only permissible as long as The Left are an opposition party and don't have to write a migration law. And while Kipping and Riexinger were re-elected at the conference, they got fewer votes than ever.

Wagenknecht, meanwhile, remains The Left’s most recognizable face and most charismatic speaker, but she is not party leader. Rather than running for party leader, she is creating a separate left-wing movement meant to attract voters from other left-wing parties, in order to give left-wingers a better chance of taking power. Kipping is concerned that Wagenknecht’s movement will do nothing but divide Die Linke against itself.

Divisions are already evident, but there is one area where Die Linke is more unified. They want, in Wagenknecht’s words, to reduce the far-right Alternative for Germany to “a bird shit in the course of German history.”

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IMMIGRATION

‘Shift to the right’: How European nations are tightening migration policies

The success of far-right parties in elections in key European countries is prompting even centrist and left-wing governments to tighten policies on migration, creating cracks in unity and sparking concern among activists.

'Shift to the right': How European nations are tightening migration policies

With the German far right coming out on top in two state elections earlier this month, the socialist-led national Berlin government has reimposed border controls on Western frontiers that are supposed to see freedom of movement in the European Union’s Schengen zone.

The Netherlands government, which includes the party of Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders, announced Wednesday that it had requested from Brussels an opt-out from EU rules on asylum, with Prime Minister Dick Schoof declaring that there was an asylum “crisis”.

Meanwhile, new British Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the left-wing Labour Party paid a visit to Rome for talks with Italian counterpart Georgia Meloni, whose party has neo-fascist roots, to discuss the strategies used by Italy in seeking to reduce migration.

Far-right parties performed strongly in June European elections, coming out on top in France, prompting President Emmanuel Macron to call snap elections which resulted in right-winger Michel Barnier, who has previously called for a moratorium on migration, being named prime minister.

We are witnessing the “continuation of a rightward shift in migration policies in the European Union,” said Jerome Vignon, migration advisor at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank.

It reflected the rise of far-right parties in the European elections in June, and more recently in the two regional elections in Germany, he said, referring to a “quite clearly protectionist and conservative trend”.

Strong message

“Anti-immigration positions that were previously the preserve of the extreme right are now contaminating centre-right parties, even centre-left parties like the Social Democrats” in Germany, added Florian Trauner, a migration specialist at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, the Dutch-speaking university in Brussels.

While the Labour government in London has ditched its right-wing Conservative predecessor administration’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda, there is clearly interest in a deal Italy has struck with Albania to detain and process migrants there.

Within the European Union, Cyprus has suspended the processing of asylum applications from Syrian applicants, while laws have appeared authorising pushbacks at the border in Finland and Lithuania.

Under the pretext of dealing with “emergency” or “crisis” situations, the list of exemptions and deviations from the common rules defined by the European Union continues to grow.

All this flies in the face of the new EU migration pact, agreed only in May and coming into force in 2026.

In the wake of deadly attacks in Mannheim and most recently Solingen blamed on radical Islamists, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s government also expelled 28 Afghans back to their home country for the first time since the Taliban takeover of Kabul.

Such gestures from Germany are all the more symbolic given how the country since World War II has tried to turn itself into a model of integration, taking in a million refugees, mainly Syrians in 2015-2016 and then more than a million Ukrainian exiles since the Russian invasion.

Germany is sending a “strong message” to its own public as well as to its European partners, said Trauner.

The migratory pressure “remains significant” with more than 500,000 asylum applications registered in the European Union for the first six months of the year, he said.

‘Climate on impunity’

Germany, which received about a quarter of them alone, criticises the countries of southern Europe for allowing migrants to circulate without processing their asylum applications, but southern states denounce a lack of solidarity of the rest of Europe.

The moves by Germany were condemned by EU allies including Greece and Poland, but Scholz received the perhaps unwelcome accolade of praise from Hungarian right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Moscow’s closest friend in the European Union, when he declared “welcome to the club”.

The EU Commission’s failure to hold countries to account “only fosters a climate of impunity where unilateral migration policies and practices can proliferate,” said Adriana Tidona, Amnesty International’s Migration Researcher.

But behind the rhetoric, all European states are also aware of the crucial role played by migrants in keeping sectors going including transport and healthcare, as well as the importance of attracting skilled labour.

“Behind the symbolic speeches, European leaders, particularly German ones, remain pragmatic: border controls are targeted,” said Sophie Meiners, a migration researcher with the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Even Meloni’s government has allowed the entry into Italy of 452,000 foreign workers for the period 2023-2025.

“In parallel to this kind of new restrictive measures, they know they need to address skilled labour needs,” she said.

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