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POLITICS

Rising populism in Germany: What should mainstream parties do about it?

Populist attitudes in Germany are increasing, with more than three in 10 voters sympathizing with anti-mainstream parties, according to a new study.

Rising populism in Germany: What should mainstream parties do about it?
Political placards lining the street before last year's Federal elections in Germany. Photo: DPA

The latest ‘populism barometer’, carried out by think tank the Bertelsmann Foundation with the Berlin Social Science Research Centre, found 30.4 percent of eligible voters in Germany embraced left or right populist attitudes, about 4 percent more than the previous year.

At the same time, the number of sampled voters who identify as politically centrist has decreased by four percentage points, to 32.8 percent.

The opinion research institute Infratest dimap interviewed more than 3,400 voters on behalf of the foundation in early summer. They were asked to indicate which party they voted for in the 2017 Federal elections and where they located themselves on a left-right scale.

The survey measured populist attitudes by asking people about factors including anti-establishment attitudes, anti-pluralism and the desire for more “sovereignty of the people”.

The report states that populist attitudes are “widespread” and are “increasing in scope and intensity especially in the political centre”.

Robert Vehrkamp and Wolfgang Merkel, the authors of the study, also analyzed what establishment parties could do to win back voters and looked at social housing, Europe and an “anti-populism strategy”.

What is populism?

In political science, populism is the idea that society is separated into two groups who are at odds with one another – 'the pure people' and 'the corrupt elite'. Although populist parties can be anywhere on the political spectrum, in recent years successful populists have been on the right.

Think Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen in France, Viktor Orbán in Hungary and, in Germany, Alternative for Germany (AfD). 

Report authors Robert Vehrkamp, political scientist at the Bertelsmann Foundation, and Wolfgang Merkel, political scientist at the Social Science Research Center Berlin. Photo: DPA

Who’s benefiting from Germany’s rise in populism?

The AfD is profiting from this trend the most, says the report, evident in recent polls that placed the party as second strongest in the country.

But the Left Party (die Linke) also scores points with populists and has managed to swipe votes from the Social Democrats (SPD). A new grassroots movement, Aufstehen (Stand Up) by The Left's Sahra Wagenknecht and her husband, the former finance minister Oskar LaFontaine, is a grassroots movement which also aims to harness support away from mainstream parties.

The rise in populist attitudes among all voters can partly be explained by the increasingly populist political centre. An interesting find by the report is that around one in eight voters with populist sympathies still identifies as part of the centre.

“Right-wing voters support the AfD because the party is right wing. But voters in the middle will also vote AfD because the party speaks to their populist sympathies,” the study explains.

The report authors say the AfD uses its populism as an “active mobilization strategy” as they aim to appeal to as many people as possible. The party often speaks out against the “elite”, including media and mainstream politicians. 

After the AfD won more than 12 percent in Germany's elections last year, co-leader Alexander Gauland said he would “hunt” politicians, including Angela Merkel…” and we will reclaim our country and our people,” he added, emphasizing the 'us' and 'them' stance that is a characteristic of populism.

“The AfD voters from the middle choose populism, but get a party that is more ideologically right-wing than they would have liked,” states the Bertelsmann report.

However, the “glass ceiling” of voter potential for the AfD is relatively low according to the data. In the survey, 71 percent of voters stated that they “would never vote for the AfD”.

Alexander Gauland of the AfD. Photo: DPA

Meanwhile, a total of 51 percent of respondents say they wouldn't vote for the Left Party. For the Greens it’s 31 percent, and for both the FDP and the CDU/CSU, the figure is 29 percent.

In recent weeks, the SPD has suffered in popularity polls – and landed behind the AfD nationwide . However, the potential of the Social Democrats remains high, at least in theory. Only 23 percent of eligible voters would not vote for SPD under any circumstances.

The report notes that more than two-thirds of all German voters are not – or not yet – explicitly populist.

What does the trend mean for other parties?

For traditional parties, the populism trend is increasingly becoming a problem because they are losing votes to anti-mainstream parties.

However, there is a success story. The Greens offer the least populist positions but this is not a problem, since their supporters can be attributed almost exclusively to the third of the population that is unresponsive to populist attitudes, DPA reports. 

The Greens popularity has been shown in the run up to the Bavarian state elections later this month. According to polls, the Greens are on course to win 18 percent of the vote in Bavaria, more than doubling their result from five years ago.

It would make the left-wing environmental party the second largest in the region, after the CSU which has dominated the region for decades. 

How can mainstream parties win back voters?

The study shows that politicians who demand significantly higher investment in social housing have the potential to win back points from the electorate. Doing this would raise a party's approval rating by 15 percentage points among both the populist and non-populist camps.

Demanding stronger cooperation in Europe would also increase approval ratings, the study shows. 

Those who oppose more referendums and support the admission of “a great many new refugees”, on the other hand, risk their popularity with the electorate, according to the survey.

What about 'anti-populism'?

The reports states that “fighting populism with populism” could increase the problems rather than solving them.

Sahra Wagenknecht of The Left Party. Photo: DPA

The authors say “swelling populism” is “never successful without a reason”. “It has causes,” they add.

They say a foundation of “anti-populism” must recognize and fight against the causes of populism by examining social division and conflict.

“Populists clearly have no answers or solutions of their own. But they benefit from this situation as long as the established parties have no answers either,” write the authors.

They prescribe that successful “anti-populism” has to find new solutions, build bridges and reach out to communities to overcome social and cultural divisions.

“’Anti-populism’ must appeal to people, reach them in their own language, and recognize them in their own lives, and reduce the distance that has arisen between established politics and their citizens,” write the authors.

However, the report adds that, although “anti-populism” doesn’t have to become populist itself. Rather, it must be popular or  “otherwise it will not win majorities in democracy, which it needs to in order to achieve change”.

Member comments

  1. According to what I read in the Local, anyone who is not a socialist is a ‘right wing fascist’. Newsflash. Conserve means to resist change. Conservatives resist change. They are centrist, neither radical (from radius) left nor right. Populist is an overused term that means ‘everyone else’. I.e.,ordinary, law-abiding citizens who are proud of their culture, their nation state and want peace and prosperity. I.e. normal, Germans. Further newsflash. The right wing (1789, France) was the side of the Establishment, the Monarchy, Nobility, Aristocracy and the Church. The NSDAP were a grassroots, socialist workers’ party – Left wing. Nazis and Fascists, Bolsheviks, Marxists and Communists were all Left wing movements. Please read some history.

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POLITICS

ANALYSIS: What’s at stake in Germany’s eastern state elections?

After success in Thuringia and Saxony, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) may well come in first in another eastern state election this Sunday. We spoke with a political scientist to analyse what's at stake as Brandenburg goes to the polls.

ANALYSIS: What's at stake in Germany's eastern state elections?

German politics’ “eastern September” is set to finally end Sunday – with more ruminations and reflections likely to come about the recent fortunes of the far-right AfD at the ballot box.

If current polls are anything to go by, the AfD could come in first in the eastern state encircling Berlin – which counts Potsdam as its capital.

After overtaking the governing Social Democrats (SPD) in a recent shock poll, the party is currently at around 28 percent, compared to the SPD on 25 percent. The centre-right Christian Democrats come in at 16 percent in the latest poll and the left-populist Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) – named after its founder – charts in at 14 percent.

The remaining parties come in much lower – with the Greens, Left and liberal Free Democrats all facing possible ejection from the state parliament.

Another victory for the AfD – or even a strong showing should the SPD still manage a narrow surprise win – will certainly boost the far-right’s confidence, after it came in first in Thuringia and second in Saxony earlier this month, following state elections that saw all three of Germany’s federally governing parties take massive losses.

Thuringia and Saxony results will likely hang over Brandenburg on Sunday – with Germany’s governing parties, many everyday Germans, and foreigners all watching with some trepidation. Here’s what to watch out for following the Brandenburg result.

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

A newly confident AfD insists it must be part of government

The AfD has repeatedly argued that it must be considered as a possible coalition partner to join German governments – whether at the federal, state, or local level. 

“There are no politics without the AfD,” its co-leader Tino Chrupalla said following the Thuringia results. However, all other parties have explicitly refused to work with the AfD to form a governing coalition – meaning that as high as its results this month have been, they fall well short of the absolute majority that would be required to govern alone.

READ ALSO: ‘We need change’: Germany’s far-right eyes power after state election win

However, its getting more difficult to form coalitions to keep the AfD out, with the centre-right CDU in Thuringia even open to governing with the leftwing populist BSW after mainstream parties like the Greens and FDP were thrown out of state parliament entirely.

University of Mainz political scientist Kai Arzheimer, who specialises in the German far-right, says whether the far-right ever get into a German government or not depends mostly on whether – and how – the CDU is willing to work with the AfD.

Thuringia election results on a screen

People watch the first exit polls results for Thuringia’s state elections come in at the State Parliament in Erfurt on September 1st, 2024. Photo by Joerg CARSTENSEN / AFP

“For the time being, it should be able to form coalitions against the AfD, even if they are rather awkward,” says Arzheimer, who adds that even the different regional chapters of the CDU may have different opinions about working with the AfD.

“Within the eastern state parties of both the CDU and the FDP, there seems to be some appetite for coming to an arrangement with the AfD. While a formal coalition would probably split either party, we have already seen some tentative moves towards an informal cooperation.”

Ultimately, the Brandmauer or “firewall” concept in German politics – in which all other parties refuse to work with the AfD – may end up coming under increasing stress on the back of eastern state election results, where governing with the far-right no longer becomes unthinkable.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

What the mainstream parties take from eastern election results

It’s probably no coincidence that Germany’s ruling government decided to re-institute border controls at its land borders with other EU states shortly after the AfD topped the Thuringia state poll, according to Arzheimer, who says the elections are just the latest in a number of things at work when if comes to Germany’s migration debate.

“The border controls, the plans for the stricter enforcement of repatriation orders, and most of all the government’s harsher rhetoric are as much a reaction to Saxony and Thuringia as they are an attempt to control the fallout from the Solingen knife attack and a response to the whole ‘debate’ on immigration,” he says.

“Many experts seem to agree that they are neither practical nor that useful, and introducing them more or less overnight smacks of a degree of panic.”

READ ALSO: Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Polls conducted following the election found that migration and internal security issues were big drivers of the AfD vote – despite these being issues for the national, rather than regional, government. 

Of the AfD voters in Thuringia, more than 70 percent said either migration or crime and internal security played the largest role in influencing their vote. Slightly less than ten percent said social security. Despite the AfD’s pro-Russian views, only three percent of AfD voters in Thuringia said Germany’s support of Ukraine decisively influenced their votes.

Besides the mainstream parties like the SPD reacting with spur-of-the-moment migration policies, the Brandenburg result may end up putting pressure on Chancellor Olaf Scholz from within his own SPD.

Brandenburg SPD’s Dietmar Woidke may still be able to hold onto the premiership, but he has said he will resign if he doesn’t beat the AfD outright. Should he lose, calls may grow louder within the SPD for Scholz to resign himself – or at least declare that he won’t stand as a chancellor candidate again.

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany

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