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IMMIGRATION

The huge foreigner-sized hole in Swiss democracy

The Swiss democratic system is seriously failing the one in four residents in the country who are foreigners, a major new study published on Wednesday suggests.

The huge foreigner-sized hole in Swiss democracy
Swiss political science professor Joachim Blatter would like foreigners in the country to be given the right to vote after five years. Photo: AFP

The study commissioned by the Federal Commission on Migration (FCM) advisory group looks at the impact of dual nationality on Swiss society.

Around one in four Swiss residents now holds two passports, a number that has soared since Switzerland legalised dual nationality in 1992 – thus establishing itself as something of a pioneer.

The FCM study is generally positive about developments over the last quarter century. Its authors note that foreigners who take up Swiss citizenship “identify more closely with the country where they live” and are “better integrated both socially and culturally”.

It also concludes that dual nationals “are no less loyal to Switzerland” despite having connections with multiple countries.

'A democratic imperative'

But the study also says Switzerland is suffering from a serious “democratic deficit”, or lack of democracy.

This deficit stems from the fact that Switzerland's huge foreign population (around one in four people) does not have the right to vote.

“The democratic deficit is particularly extreme in Switzerland,” study author and political science professor at the University of Lucerne, Joachim Blatter, told The Local.

Blatter believes Switzerland must either relax citizenship requirements – by reducing the prior residency requirement from ten to five years – or give foreigners the right to vote, again after five years.

“This is a democratic imperative,” he said.

The political science professor would also like the Swiss citizenship process made less off-putting. He notes that over half of Switzerland's foreigners actually meet the residency requirements and could apply for citizenship, but are reluctant to do so because the process is so “arduous” and expensive.

However, he concedes there is also widespread political and social opposition to the changes he advocates.

A campaign to encourage people in Zurich to take out citizenship was met with a political outcry, while a number of cantonal proposals aimed at giving foreigners the rote to vote at the cantonal level were all rejected by more than 70 percent of voters.

For Blatter, opposition to giving foreigners the right to vote is one of the pitfalls of Switzerland’s direct democratic system.

“Under this system, Swiss voters have more power than in other countries, where that power rests with political parties,” he said.

“But people also feel they have to give up power if other people have the right to vote. It is a zero-sum game,” he explained.

The fraught issue of dual nationality

The new FCM report into dual nationality takes an in-depth look at what is a politically sensitive issue in Switzerland.

The issue made national headlines this year when three Swiss footballers, including Granit Xhaka and Xherdan Shaqiri who have a Kosovo Albanian background, celebrated goals scored against in a World Cup match against Serbia with a hand gesture representing the “double eagle” of the Albanian flag.

The gesture divided the increasingly international Swiss public, many of whom are dual nationals.

Some supported the players whose families had come to Switzerland during the 1998-1999 war between Kosovo ethnic Albanian pro-independence guerrilla and Serbian forces. Others, meanwhile, said it showed that the players' loyalties were divided.

In recent years, members of the nationalist Swiss People's Party (SVP) have periodically called for the right to dual nationality for Swiss people to be either limited or scrapped, arguing that the holding of two passports can mean reduced loyalty to Switzerland.

But while the FCM report is generally positive about dual nationality, it does note some risks including the fact that people with more than one passport may see their responsibilities outweigh their rights.

There is also a danger in giving people a say on laws they will not be subject to, the study argues – a reference to the some 750.000 Swiss citizens who live abroad but have the right to vote in Switzerland.

IMMIGRATION

‘Shift to the right’: How European nations are tightening migration policies

The success of far-right parties in elections in key European countries is prompting even centrist and left-wing governments to tighten policies on migration, creating cracks in unity and sparking concern among activists.

'Shift to the right': How European nations are tightening migration policies

With the German far right coming out on top in two state elections earlier this month, the socialist-led national Berlin government has reimposed border controls on Western frontiers that are supposed to see freedom of movement in the European Union’s Schengen zone.

The Netherlands government, which includes the party of Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders, announced on Wednesday that it had requested from Brussels an opt-out from EU rules on asylum, with Prime Minister Dick Schoof declaring that there was an asylum “crisis”.

Meanwhile, new British Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the left-wing Labour Party paid a visit to Rome for talks with Italian counterpart Georgia Meloni, whose party has neo-fascist roots, to discuss the strategies used by Italy in seeking to reduce migration.

Far-right parties performed strongly in June European elections, coming out on top in France, prompting President Emmanuel Macron to call snap elections which resulted in right-winger Michel Barnier, who has previously called for a moratorium on migration, being named prime minister.

We are witnessing the “continuation of a rightward shift in migration policies in the European Union,” said Jerome Vignon, migration advisor at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank.

It reflected the rise of far-right parties in the European elections in June, and more recently in the two regional elections in Germany, he said, referring to a “quite clearly protectionist and conservative trend”.

Strong message

“Anti-immigration positions that were previously the preserve of the extreme right are now contaminating centre-right parties, even centre-left parties like the Social Democrats” in Germany, added Florian Trauner, a migration specialist at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, the Dutch-speaking university in Brussels.

While the Labour government in London has ditched its right-wing Conservative predecessor administration’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda, there is clearly interest in a deal Italy has struck with Albania to detain and process migrants there.

Within the European Union, Cyprus has suspended the processing of asylum applications from Syrian applicants, while laws have appeared authorising pushbacks at the border in Finland and Lithuania.

Under the pretext of dealing with “emergency” or “crisis” situations, the list of exemptions and deviations from the common rules defined by the European Union continues to grow.

All this flies in the face of the new EU migration pact, agreed only in May and coming into force in 2026.

In the wake of deadly attacks in Mannheim and most recently Solingen blamed on radical Islamists, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s government also expelled 28 Afghans back to their home country for the first time since the Taliban takeover of Kabul.

Such gestures from Germany are all the more symbolic given how the country since World War II has tried to turn itself into a model of integration, taking in a million refugees, mainly Syrians in 2015-2016 and then more than a million Ukrainian exiles since the Russian invasion.

Germany is sending a “strong message” to its own public as well as to its European partners, said Trauner.

The migratory pressure “remains significant” with more than 500,000 asylum applications registered in the European Union for the first six months of the year, he said.

‘Climate on impunity’

Germany, which received about a quarter of them alone, criticises the countries of southern Europe for allowing migrants to circulate without processing their asylum applications, but southern states denounce a lack of solidarity of the rest of Europe.

The moves by Germany were condemned by EU allies including Greece and Poland, but Scholz received the perhaps unwelcome accolade of praise from Hungarian right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Moscow’s closest friend in the European Union, when he declared “welcome to the club”.

The EU Commission’s failure to hold countries to account “only fosters a climate of impunity where unilateral migration policies and practices can proliferate,” said Adriana Tidona, Amnesty International’s Migration Researcher.

But behind the rhetoric, all European states are also aware of the crucial role played by migrants in keeping sectors going including transport and healthcare, as well as the importance of attracting skilled labour.

“Behind the symbolic speeches, European leaders, particularly German ones, remain pragmatic: border controls are targeted,” said Sophie Meiners, a migration researcher with the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Even Meloni’s government has allowed the entry into Italy of 452,000 foreign workers for the period 2023-2025.

“In parallel to this kind of new restrictive measures, they know they need to address skilled labour needs,” she said.

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