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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: Macron and Sunak show France and UK can be good neighbours again

France may have humiliated England on the rugby field but the rekindled cooperation between the neighbouring countries is a win-win situation for both governments, writes John Lichfield. Even if the UK's French-bashing press won't accept it.

OPINION: Macron and Sunak show France and UK can be good neighbours again
France's President Emmanuel Macron (R) escorts with an umbrella Britain's Prime Minister Rishi Sunak (L) at the end of the French-British summit, at the Elysee Palace, in Paris, on March 10, 2023 - British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and French President Emmanuel Macron agreed a new pact to stop illegal cross-Channel migration after a summit in Paris on March 10, 2023 aimed at overcoming years of Brexit tensions. Both leaders hailed a new start in relations between the two neighbours, after intense talks in Paris which were also marked by expressions of unity in their support for Ukraine in fighting the Russian invasion. (Photo by Kin Cheung / POOL / AFP)

It has been a bad couple of days for English Francophobes.

At Twickenham, the English rugby team was squashed by France 10-53, their worst home defeat since the Norman Conquest.

It might have been worse. Another converted try and two penalties and it would have been 10-66.

Judging by the comments in the right-wing, pro-Brexit press, the summit meeting between President Emmanuel Macron and Rishi Sunak in Paris last Friday was an equally crushing defeat.

Britain is to pay France almost half a billion pounds over three years to strengthen efforts to halt the armada of small boats carrying Afghan, Syrian, Kurdish and Albanian asylum seekers to Kent.

The Daily Mail and its readers were outraged. France was being “rewarded” for its failure to stop a dangerous and illegal traffic, they complained.

Macron had “refused” his duty to take back failed asylum seekers. He had even taken a swipe at Saint Brexit during the post-summit press conference, the Mail protested.

Daily Express readers were equally furious. “We’re paying France to do its job. Sunak rolls over as expected,” one reader wrote.

There was much more to Friday’s summit than the small boats controversy. It was a welcome and overdue restoration of friendly UK-French relations, post-Brexit and post-Boris. It was the first bilateral summit for five years between neighbours who also happen to be the biggest military powers in democratic Europe and the world’s fifth and sixth largest economies.

But let us look at the small boats issue first.

Rishi Sunak did sign up for a more than doubling of British contributions to the French effort to block the flow of asylum seekers.

The UK government is paying France €72m in this UK financial year. Sunak agreed to pay €140m in 2023-24, €190, in 2024-5 and €205m in 2025-6.

In return, France will build a detention centre for illegal migrants somewhere in northern France. The two countries will have, for the first time, a joint command centre for policing the Channel. There will be 500 new police on French beaches.

Paying France to do its job?

For 20 years since the Le Touquet treaty, Britain’s southern “frontier” has been, in effect, in France. The French tax-payer has subsidised Britain’s efforts to shelter from successive waves of  European asylum seekers and  migrants from the Balkans, Africa, the middle east and Asia – only a fraction of whom want to go to the UK.

The published figures are opaque (because they are politically sensitive in France) but more than half the cost of “protecting” Britain from asylum seekers and migrants has fallen on France until now. That, as I understand it, will change slightly with the new Macron-Sunak deal but not much.

Will the extra money stop the migrants? No. But it might help to reduce the proportion of successful crossings (about 50 percent at present) and therefore undermine the business model of the trafficking gangs.

There are hundreds of kilometres of coastline and river estuary for the French to police. The small boats traffic is vastly profitable to people-smugglers. That is because the UK government has blocked almost all legal asylum routes and the French and UK government have sealed all illegal access by road or rail.

Why does France refuse to take back failed asylum seekers who are known to have been on French soil? Blame “Saint Brexit”.

Before the UK left the European Union such returns did happen (admittedly in small numbers) under the so-called “Dublin” agreement between EU countries. Boris Johnson, when he was Prime Minister, pestered Paris for a bilateral agreement on returning asylum seekers.

Macron pointed out – as he did again on Friday – that France has no right to make such a deal. As a member of the EU free movement area, France cannot make bi-lateral deals on right of entry or re-entry to the EU-27.

Britain must seek an agreement with Brussels –  something which is due to happen as part of a wider negotiation including the Balkan countries where part of the people-trafficking business is based.

The last British government but one (including Johnson and Priti Patel as Home Secretary) played to the media gallery by blaming France for the surge in small boat traffic. The Sunak government (with Suella Braverman as Home Secretary) has decided to work with France.

They are, at the same time, threatening legislation which would ban most people who arrive by small boat from ever seeking asylum in the UK. This may well be illegal under Britain’s commitment to the European human rights convention.

I have a strong suspicion – no proof – that this was a lump of red meat thrown to the Brexiteers and right-wing tabloids to distract from the change of policy towards France.

There was plenty of other business at the Elysée summit on Friday. Macron and Sunak agreed a French-British  programme to train Ukrainian marines.  They resurrected the 2010 Lancaster House agreement which set up a French-British military intervention force and pledged cooperation on new military hardware.

They also promised a new era of post-Brexit cultural cooperation, including more school exchanges.

After the Johnson era of cross-Channel provocation, Macron and Sunak have decided to be good neighbours. Brexit or no Brexit, the two countries need each other.

The Ukraine war makes the relationship between western Europe’s biggest military powers more important than ever. French relations with Germany are chilly. Britain needs all the help that it can get if it wants to improve its trade terms with the EU.

For the frog-bashing UK media, good relations with France are a cause for suspicion, not satisfaction. The Daily Mail carried a headline last week saying that Sunak had been “branded” a “Francophile” as if liking France was a criminal offence.

The Mail also employed a body-language expert to study the back-slapping and hand-shakes between Macron and Sunak on Friday. Her conclusion? Macron was the “alpha male” and Sunak his fawning junior.

How silly. Summits between long estranged allies do not necessarily have winners or losers. Last Friday’s meeting – unlike Le Crunch at Twickenham – was a win-win.

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POLITICS

What does the new government mean for foreigners in France?

France at last has a new government and one of its four main aims is to "control immigration and promote integration" - so what is this likely to mean for foreigners in France, or those hoping to move here some day?

What does the new government mean for foreigners in France?

After two weeks of intense negotiation, on Thursday evening newly-appointed prime minister Michel Barnier announced that he had succeeded in forming a government.

 He also laid out his four main priorities;

  • Improve the standard of living for the French and the workings of public services, especially schools and healthcare
  • Guarantee security, control immigration and improve integration
  • Encourage businesses and agriculture and build upon the economic attractiveness of France
  • Get public finances under control and reduce debt

He is set to give his Discours de politique générale on October 1st – this is the traditional speech that a prime minister makes laying out the main policy aims of their government.

So what is this likely to mean for foreigners living in France?

Obviously some of these things will have the same effect on foreigners as any other residents of France, since we all use the same healthcare and education systems.

The first challenge for the new government will be a budget that, as Barnier says, “gets public finances under control”. France is facing a ballooning deficit and the threat of a downgrade from ratings agencies if it cannot get spending under control.

Barnier said earlier in the week that he is “discovering that the country’s budgetary situation is very serious” – most people interpreted this as preparing to announce tax hikes.

No details of these plans have been released, but it is thought likely that extra taxes will be on business and the super-rich rather than any increase in income tax or VAT.

Emmanuel Macron’s centrist Renaissance group briefed the press that one of their conditions for joining the new government was a pledge that any tax increases would not target “the middle classes or working French people”.

Immigration

But the strand of government that is most likely to affect foreigners in France, or those hoping to move here some day, is the pledge to “control immigration and promote integration”.

Again there is no detail on this, but the French government’s most recent bill to “promote integration” introduced language tests for certain types of residency card, while raising the language standard required for other processes.

We know that Barnier himself is strongly to the right on the topic of immigration – in his unsuccessful 2022 bid for the Les Républicains presidential nomination he called for a total moratorium on all immigration into France from non-EU countries.

Barnier said he would organise a referendum if elected, asking voters to approve constitutional changes and the ability of parliament to set immigrant quotas each year.

The exact composition of the new government has not been revealed – it is expected “before Sunday” – but we do know that Barnier has appointed several ministers from within the Les Républicains party.

These are reported to include Bruno Retailleau, who sparked outcry with his comments about immigrants in the context of the 2022 riots.

Speaking about the rioters who were arrested, 90 percent of whom were French citizens, he said: “OK, they’re French, but these are French people in their official identity, and unfortunately for the second and third generations (of immigrants), there is a sort of regression towards their ethnic roots.”

Clearly for some politicians, you can never be integrated enough.

New laws?

Although it’s far too early to think of any specific policies – and the government may not last long enough to actually see any laws passed – the debate around France’s recent immigration bill does provide some clues about the goals of right-wing politicians.

The Immigration law that finally passed in January changed – among other things – conditions for certain types of residency card and introduced expanded language tests, a civics test and a declaration of allegiance to ‘French values’ for foreigners living here.

READ ALSO What changes under France’s new immigration bill

However as the bill progressed through parliament, many right-wing lawmakers attempted to add amendments to toughen it up. In the end, most of the amendments were either voted down in parliament or struck out later by the Constitutional Council, but they do provide a guide to right-wing goals.

Among the rejected amendments were;

Migration quotas – the original bill contained nothing about migration quotas, but a section on this was added in the Senate (which is controlled by Les Républicains). The amendment was vague, setting out only the principle that parliament can set migration quotas – the wording of the text talked about ‘economic migration’, suggesting that these quotas would apply only to people coming to France to work, not students or retirees. The quotas would not affect asylum seekers or people arriving on a family reunification visa.

It called for parliament to have an annual debate on migration, with the ‘objective’ of setting quotas or numbers.

This was one of many amendments that was eventually struck out by the Constitutional Council – although on procedural grounds, not because of its content.

Healthcare restrictions – currently undocumented foreigners who are in France for more than three months are entitled to basic healthcare under the Aide medicale de l’Etat, with costs reimbursed by the State for hospital treatment and medication. The amendment proposed a complete ban on this for anyone who is undocumented or in an irregular immigration situation.

Benefit restrictions – currently foreigners in France can qualify for benefits such as housing allowance or certain family benefits after they have been resident for six months, the amendment aimed to increase the qualification period to five years.

Expelling radicalised foreigners – the law that was eventually passed makes it easier to expel radicalised foreigners by removing certain protections, including the restriction that people who came to France aged 13 or under cannot be expelled once they reach adulthood. The amendment aimed toughen this up still further by allowing the expulsion not just of people who are on terror watchlists, but of people who have “committed a grave and deliberate violation of the principles of the French Republic”.

Toughen asylum rules – various amendments aimed to make it easier to expel failed asylum seekers by reducing the amount of time for appeals and allowing a notice to quit the country to be served as soon as a first application is rejected.

Limit family reunification rights – rules around foreigners in France being joined by spouses or family members would also be tightened up under the amendment, with a minimum stay of 24 months before you can be joined by a spouse or family member, and extra financial requirements.

French citizenship for children born in France – currently children who are born in France to foreign parents are automatically given the right to French citizenship once they reach 18 under the droit du sol principle (although in order to do anything practical like get a passport or ID card they still need to apply for a naturalisation certificate). Several amendments proposed that this no longer be an automatic right and children must “express their will” to get citizenship – presumably through an extra admin procedures.

All the immigration measures listed above would apply to non-EU nationals – anyone who needs a visa or carte de séjour to spend more than three months in France.

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