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Parliamentary report highlights French far-right party’s links to Russia

Marine Le Pen's far-right Rassemblement National party has "acted as a communication channel" for Russia, concludes the draft report of a six-month enquiry into foreign interference in French politics.

Parliamentary report highlights French far-right party's links to Russia
Marine Le Pen. (Photo by Christophe ARCHAMBAULT / AFP)

A report is due to be published this week detailing the findings of a six-month Parliamentary committee inquiry into foreign interference in French politics. But what it contains is already public knowledge after a draft was leaked to the press.

What does it say?

The 218-page report says that Marine Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement national (RN), has acted as a “communication channel” for Russia, and supported its annexation of Crimea in 2014 – the year it got a multi-million euro loan from a now-collapsed Russian bank.

Rapporteur Constance Le Grip, a member of President Emmanuel Macron’s Renaissance party, wrote that RN’s support for Russia is  “visibly appreciated in Moscow”, and noted that evidence Le Pen gave to the committee had plenty of coverage in the Russian press, which welcomed “with great satisfaction the assertion, in their view reaffirmed by Marine Le Pen, that Crimea is and always has been Russian”.   

“All [Le Pen’s] comments on Crimea, reiterated during her inquiry hearing, repeat word for word the official language of Putin’s regime,” the report said.  

Le Grip referenced a “long-standing” link between Russia and the French far-right party dating back to the period it was known as the Front Nationale and headed by Jean-Marie Le Pen. 

She also said that the “strategy of political and ideological rapprochement” with Moscow had “accelerated” since Marine Le Pen became leader in 2011 – noting, particularly, the French politician’s well-publicised Moscow trip in 2017 that included an all-smiles photo-opportunity meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

That image was intended to be used in campaign material for Le Pen’s presidential campaign in 2022, but the leaflets were quickly pulled following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Any mitigation or counter-evidence?

RN’s pro-Russian stance has “softened” in the wake of Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, the report concedes. Le Pen and her party had “unambiguously condemned” the invasion it noted, though it has so far steered clear of changing its position on Crimea. 

And Le Pen herself emerged unscathed from a four-hour witness session in front of the committee last month.

A lot of questions revolved around a €9.4 million loan obtained from the First Czech-Russian Bank in 2014. Throughout, no firm evidence linking political backing in return for financial support was presented. 

“If [the loan] had bound me to anything, I would not have signed. Is that clear?” Le Pen told the hearing.

Did anyone else give evidence?

Yes. The head of France’s internal security agency, the Direction générale de la sécurité intérieure, told an earlier closed hearing that French MPs from all parties were legitimate targets for Russian spies.

Former Les Républicains Prime Minister and failed presidential candidate François Fillon, meanwhile, was questioned about his advisory work for two Russian oil companies after he left politics in 2017. He said he “never took a single cent of Russian money”.

Le Pen’s reaction

During the four hours of questioning, Le Pen branded the inquiry, “a sort of witch trial”.

And, when the report was leaked, she dismissed the whole investigation as a “dishonest” and a “political trial”.

“There is nothing, not a shred of evidence that would prove Russian influence over Rassemblement National,” she told reporters. “This report passes judgement on my political opinions, not on any foreign interference.” 

Meanwhile, RN MP Jean-Philippe Tanguy promptly dismissed the entire process a “farce”. The problem is, he set up and chaired the inquiry.

Wait, what?

The inquiry was set up and chaired by Tanguy, in an effort to shut down repeated accusations that Le Pen and her party are over-reliant on and beholden to the Kremlin – allegations that the RN brains trust believes were, in part at least, behind her failure to win the 2022 election.

Emmanuel Macron certainly used Le Pen’s links to Russia in a fiery TV debate during the 2022 Presidential elections. 

“When you speak to Russia, you are not speaking to any foreign leader, you are talking to your banker,” he said, referring to a loan RN had taken with a Russian bank. He said Le Pen was “dependent on Vladimir Putin” and incapable of “defending French interests”.  

She has repeatedly insisted that she was forced to seek financing from overseas because French banks refused to lend money to the RN.

READ ALSO National Front cries foul over French banks’ refusal to loan Le Pen money

Tanguy admitted he had been naive when he set up the committee, and insisted that he had been “betrayed” by Le Grip – though did not say why or how.

The conclusions

Despite the headlines, it doesn’t seem much has been unequivocally proven – the report has uncovered more smoke, rather than any gun. But that really wasn’t the point of the committee. 

The line from Le Pen remains as it was prior to the report: No, she is not under the influence of Russia, or any other foreign power or person; Yes, she thinks that France should not alienate Russia, and the annexation of the Crimea in 2014 was legal, regardless of what everyone else in the the international community may think.

But, there’s little doubt that the exercise has backfired spectacularly. RN’s transparent attempts to further muddy unclear waters hasn’t worked. Despite repeated efforts to point a finger the other way – any other way – the focus kept returning to them. And now, they have to deal with the fallout.

“The inquiry’s immediate political consequence is to highlight, once again, Marine Le Pen’s pro-Russian stance – particularly on the annexation of Crimea,” Le Monde reported on Friday. 

And Greens’ lawmaker Julien Bayou joked: “Rassemblement national launched this inquiry to clear its name, but ended up taking a boomerang in the face.”   

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ELECTION

Explained: What was France’s Fourth Republic and why it’s in the news again

With projections for a deadlocked parliament after the second round of voting and widespread predictions of political chaos, many French commentators are starting to make comparisons with France's Fourth Republic - for those of us who didn't grow up in France, here's what that means.

Explained: What was France's Fourth Republic and why it's in the news again

Le spectre de la IVe République plane-t-il sur Macron ? – Is the spectre of the Fourth Republic hanging over Macron?

If you’re following French press coverage of the chaotic political situation in France right now, you might be coming across more and more sentences like this.

But while the Fourth Republic is a standard part of the French history syllabus, it doesn’t make it into many lesson plans outside France.

Here’s a look at what the Fourth Republic was, and why it might be relevant to the modern political crisis.

When 

The 4th republic ran from 1946 to 1958. French history is divided into the ancien regième (pre French Revolution) and the post-Revolution period which is divided into a series of republics, interspersed with a few non-republic periods such as when Napoleon got carried away and declared himself emperor.

You can find a fuller history here, but in brief the republics go; 

  • 1792-1804 – first republic. Runs from the abolition of the monarchy during the French Revolution until Napoleon declared himself emperor
  • 1848-1852 – second republic. Ended when Napoleon’s nephew Louis Napoleon (Napoleon III) overthrew the government and declared a second French empire with himself at the head
  • 1870-1940 – third republic. Ended with the Nazi invasion of France in 1940 when the republic was suspended and the period of the occupation and Vichy government began.
  • 1946-1958 – fourth republic. This one ended with a threatened military coup over Algerian independence, a panicked government brought WWII resistance leader Charles de Gaulle back into government and passed a new constitution.
  • 1958-present day – fifth republic. 

Each republic has its own constitution with significant differences in aspects such as how the political system works and the powers of the president versus the government.

What was going on?

The Fourth Republic covered a turbulent period in French politics – in 1946 the country was emerging from one of the most traumatic periods in its history; the Nazi occupation of World War II.

Nearly bankrupt, the country was also dealing with the national shame of the occupation and the collapse of the democratic government in 1940 (replaced by the un-elected collaborationist Vichy regime). 

The Fourth Republic ended in turmoil (as have all French republics so far, in fact) during the exceptionally brutal war of independence in Algeria.

Sensing that the government in Paris was paving the way for Algeria to be given independence from France, French soldiers in Algeria launched a military coup in opposition to this – the military also seized power in Corsica.

The national government panicked, fearing that insurrection could spread to France itself and other colonies.

Charles de Gaulle – who made his name as a figurehead of the French resistance during WWII and as the country’s first post-war leader – was called out of retirement to unite the country, restore order and avoid what some feared would become a civil war.

But what about the politics?

The Fourth Republic wasn’t just a turbulent period in history – it was also an extremely unstable period for governments.

Over its 12-year duration, there were a total of 24 governments. 

Governments rose and fell with dizzying regularity – a man named Pierre Pflimlin was prime minister for a grand total of 18 days in 1958, and he wasn’t even the shortest-serving PM of the fourth republic.

Parliament was also frequently deadlocked, coalitions and alliances were made and broken rapidly and prime ministers came and went as through a revolving door – the shortest serving PM was Robert Schuman who served just nine days, but that was his second shot at the job.

Henri Queuille was prime minister three times, in 1948, 1950 and 1951 and his first period in the job was the longest premiership of the Fourth Republic, lasting a whopping one year and 47 days.

It was a reaction to this political chaos that strongly influenced the constitution of the Fifth Republic – set up with Charles de Gaulle at the head in 1958.

De Gaulle insisted that the president was given widespread powers, at the expense of parliament, in order to curb what he saw at the excess of parliamentary powers that contributed to the turmoil of the Fourth Republic.

It’s why the French president to this day has constitutional powers to over-rule parliament, for example through the tool known as Article 49.3 which allows a president to force through legislation even if parliament opposes it.

The Fifth Republic also set up the president as the dominant political power in France – previously that had been the prime minister, with the president having more of a ceremonial role.

Its sheer instability means that these days the Fourth Republic is little lamented – those who call for a complete change of the system of government and the creation of a Sixth Republic tend to skip over the fourth altogether and use as a model the Third Republic.

But this is ancient history, why are we talking about it now?

The Fourth Republic is back in the news because it looks like France may be facing a new period of chaos in parliament.

The snap parliamentary elections called by president Emmanuel Macron were intended to restore a sense of consensus, but look like they are backfiring and instead creating a more turbulent situation.

Current polls suggest that the far-right Rassemblement National will be the biggest party, but it’s not certain whether they will win enough seats in parliament to gain an absolute majority.

If the party wins a majority the most likely outcome is that Macron will be forced to appoint far-right leader Jordan Bardella as prime minister and rule jointly with him in a very uneasy cohabitation.

If the far-right become the biggest party but don’t get a majority the most likely result is chaos – with attempts to build fragile alliances or coalitions between parties.

The “spectre of the Fourth Republic” is therefore the spectre of chaos and deadlock in parliament and maybe even a PM who will break Robert Schuman’s unenviable record of just nine days in office.

OPINION: The best that France can hope for now is 12 months of chaos

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