SHARE
COPY LINK
For members

ELECTIONS

What a prime minister from Le Pen’s party could mean for foreigners in France

Marine Len Pen's far-right Rassemblement National party has unveiled its manifesto for the upcoming parliamentary elections - from visas to cartes de séjour and French language tests, here's a look at some of their policies which could affect foreigners living in France, or hoping to move here someday.

What a prime minister from Le Pen's party could mean for foreigners in France
French far-right Rassemblement National party President Jordan Bardella. Photo by Alain JOCARD / AFP

The Rassemblement National party – riding high on its European elections success – is now campaigning in the snap parliamentary elections.

The party’s goal is to win enough seats in parliament to gain an absolute majority, which would force president Emmanuel Macron to appoint an RN member – most likely party leader Jordan Bardella – as prime minister.

You can hear the team from The Local talking about the party’s policy, and how they would affect foreigners in France, in the latest episode of the Talking France podcast. Listen here or on the link below

With both a prime minister and a legislative majority the party would then be in a position to implement some of its manifesto, albeit constrained by having to work in ‘cohabitation’ with Macron.

But what would all this mean for foreigners already living in France or those hoping to move here one day?

The party first produced a one-page leaflet setting out its policy goals, and then published its full manifesto. Here’s a look at what it would mean for foreigners in France.

Explained: The party manifestos for France’s snap elections

Immigration

The RN made its name as an anti-immigration party and its latest leaflet suggests that nothing has changed.

“Drastically reduce legal and illegal immigration and deport foreign criminals” is listed as one of the key priorities for the party.

It’s not uncommon for parties across the spectrum to call for crackdowns on illegal immigration. But what’s more unusual is a promise to “drastically reduce legal immigration”.

There are two ways that a government can do this; reduce the number of new arrivals by tightening the requirements or introducing quotas for visas and cartes de séjour; or make life uncomfortable for immigrants who are already here in the hope that they leave.

New arrivals – The manifesto opposes both non-economic migration and family reunification – no detail is given on changes to the visa or residency card system in this area, but it seems likely that anyone wanting to move for non-work related reasons (eg retirees) would face restrictions. Likewise spouse visas would be affected by any changes to family reunification rules.

This would mean that people moving to France would either need to have a job already arranged in order to qualify for an employee visa, or be able to meet the criteria for a self-employed visa (given to freelancers or those setting up their own business) or the talent passport visa (for high-earners or those who work in specialist sectors).

It would not allow non-economic visas – which includes the ‘visitor’ visa given to retirees or people who are not working – or the spouse or family members visa.

Explained: How the different types of French visa work

Asylum claims would exclusively be processed outside France.

People already here – France already passed in January 2024 an immigration bill that aimed to control immigration and improve integration – among its measures were the introduction of stricter language test requirements for long-term residency cards and French citizenship. 

But the RN manifesto proposes a raft of measures that would affect some people already living here.

Non-French citizens would only be able to access social benefits such as housing benefits or caring allowances after working in France for five years.

There would also be a ‘French first’ preference for access to employment and social housing.

Residency permits would be withdrawn for any non-French citizens who have been unemployed for more than one year.

Citizenship – When it comes to gaining French citizenship, this would be allowed only “on the basis of merit and assimilation” – it’s not clear how this would differ from the current system where candidates must already prove that they speak French and understand French culture and politics.

The 2022 immigration law raises the language requirement from B1 to B2 for those applying through residency – further changes could be another hike in the language level required or raising the qualifying period for those applying for residency from five years. Currently France has one of the most generous residency requirements in Europe, many other countries require 10 years of residency.

The party also wants to scrap the droit du sol, which gives the right to French citizenship to children born in France to non-French parents.

Le Pen’s 2022 policy was not to allow dual citizenship – so that people who gained French citizenship would have to give up the citizenship of their country of birth. She has since scrapped that policy – a senior party member on Thursday called for the end of dual nationality in a TV interview, but since then appears to have backpedalled.

Criminal convictions – the “deporting of foreign criminals” is already a political hot topic after it was revealed that the majority of people served with an OQTF (and order to leave France) never in fact leave.

An OQTF can be served on any foreigner who has completed a prison term in France or who has been guilty of an immigration offence such as over-staying a visa or working while on a non-working visa. As well as tightening up the process to deport people served with such a notice, legislation chances could also extend the range of offences that can result in being ordered to leave the country.

OQTF – can you appeal against a notice to leave France?

Other policies

Foreigners in France are most directly affected by any changes to the immigration system, but anyone living here is likely to be affected by new laws on other areas too, so here’s a look at what RN’s leaflet says about its other priorities;

Cost of living – the rising cost of living was a key part of Le Pen’s 2022 campaign and the new leaflet promises to “reduce gas and electricity bills and lower VAT on gas and other fossil fuels”.

Le Pen is on record saying that she would also stop renewable energy developments, including halting the development of all wind farms.

Law and order – the leaflet says that the party will “put an end to judicial laxity towards delinquents and criminals” and will also create a “presumption of legitimate defence” for police officers who kill or injure members of the public.

Agriculture – the part says it will “fight unfair competition” for French farmers.

Healthcare – the leaflet promises that the party will “fight medical deserts [areas where there are no enough doctors], support public hospitals and guarantee the supply of medicines”.

Pension reform – one thing that was conspicuous by its absence was any reference to pension reform. Le Pen was staunchly opposed to Macron’s controversial 2023 pension reform, which raised the retirement age from 62 to 64.

However the leaflet makes no mention of changing the age back to 62 again – or even lowering to to 60 as she has also mentioned. This is likely the result of an election pact with the Les Républicains party, which supports the pension reform. 

Economy 

There are also serious concerns about the effect that the party’s economic policies could have – with business leaders sounding the alarm over what they describe as vague, uncosted proposals.

The British newspaper the Financial Times estimates that the effect of an RN government would be twice as bad as the effect that Liz Truss’ disastrous economic policies had on the UK economy.

You can find all the latest on the snap elections in our election section HERE and sign up for our bi-weekly election breakdown here.

Member comments

Log in here to leave a comment.
Become a Member to leave a comment.

FRENCH ELECTIONS

Coalition, resignation or shared rule? The possible outcomes of France’s snap elections

The latest polling in France's parliamentary elections shows no party winning an overall majority - so what happens then? Here's a look at the most likely scenarios.

Coalition, resignation or shared rule? The possible outcomes of France's snap elections

French President Emmanuel Macron’s surprise decision to call snap parliamentary elections has plunged the country into severe political uncertainty.

Polls project that none of the three main political camps – the far-right Rassemblement National (RN), the leftist Nouveau Front Populaire (NFP) or Macron’s centrists – will win enough seats to get an absolute majority in parliament.

One thing seems certain – it’s likely to be very messy indeed. But what are the most likely outcomes if parliament is truly deadlocked?

Listen to the team from The Local discussing the election latest in the Talking France podcast. Listen here or on the link below

Cohabitation

The far-right Rassemblement National of three-time presidential candidate Marine Le Pen and current party leader Jordan Bardella are tipped to be the party with most seats after the second round on July 7th.

If the RN and its allies did secure a majority in the Assemblée Nationale – and current polling suggests this is doubtful – Macron would find himself in a “cohabitation“, in which the president and government are from opposing parties.

Post-war France has experienced three such forced marriages. All were between the left and the centre-right with the last from 1997-2002 between President Jacques Chirac and Socialist premier Lionel Jospin.

Cohabitation: What happens in France’s political ‘forced marriages’?

A cohabition between the Macron and his far-right arch-enemies would likely be a much unhappier affair.

While the far-right would be able to implement part of its domestic programme, on, for example, curtailing immigration, only the president can call a referendum or trigger a vote on constitutional changes.

The president, who usually sets foreign and defence policy, could also find his hands tied if the RN appointed nationalist defence and foreign ministers opposed to his worldview.

Coalition

France has spurned coalitions since the post-war 4th Republic (1946-1958) when the country went through 22 governments in 12 years.

Since losing his parliamentary majority in 2022, Macron has sought to cobble together alliances in parliament on a vote-by-vote basis or to force through legislation without a vote rather than form a pact with another party.

The RN or the left could try do the same if they fall short of a majority but a minority government of the far-right or left would likely fail to pass a vote of no confidence.

Aware of the risks, RN leader Bardella has said he will refuse to become prime minister unless he wins an outright majority.

Macron’s camp hopes that in the event of a hung parliament it could form a coalition with moderates of the left and right.

As part of its outreach to possible allies, Macron’s party has not entered candidates in 67 constituencies where centre-right or centre-left candidates are running.

But Macron has limited his options by putting the hard-left La France Insoumise (LFI) — the dominant force in the NFP — on a par with the far-right in what he calls the country’s “extremes”. He accuses LFI of anti-Semitism, which it rejects.

Caretaker government

Another option would be for Macron to appoint a technocratic non-partisan government which all parties could get behind.

Camille Bedock, a political scientist at the Emile Durckheim centre in Bordeaux, cites the example of Italy, where respected former European Central Bank chief Mario Draghi formed a national unity government in 2021 when Italy was in turmoil. It lasted a year-and-a-half.

Bedock said Macron could also decide to leave the current government headed by his party’s Gabriel Attal in place in a caretaker capacity for a year. He could then call new elections.

This would have the benefit of ensuring continuity through the Olympic Games (July 26th – August 11th) when the country will be under intense global scrutiny.

Whether the far-right or left would support such a move, which would effectively buy Macron time to try turn around his presidency, is highly uncertain.

Macron resigns

The most dramatic scenario would see Macron resign if faced with the prospect of being neutered by the far right or the hard left.

Le Pen, who is expected to try succeed Macron in 2027 presidential polls, has warned that he “will have no choice but to resign” in the event of a “political crisis”.

READ ALSO Will Macron resign in the event of an election disaster?

Macron has vowed to remain on office until the end of his second term in 2027, whatever the outcome.

You can follow all the latest election news HERE or sign up to receive by email our bi-weekly election breakdown

SHOW COMMENTS