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Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Anti-immigration party, the AfD, won the most votes at a state election in Thuringia, and made major gains in Saxony. What does it mean for immigrants living there?

A banner reads 'Stop AfD' at a demonstration against the far-right held in Hamburg on September 1st.
A banner reads 'Stop AfD' at a demonstration against the far-right held in Hamburg on September 1st. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Bodo Marks

Alternative for Germany (AfD) swept to victory in the Thuringia state parliament election on Sunday, securing nearly 33 percent of the vote. 

It is the first time a far-right party has won a state election in Germany since the Second World War. 

Meanwhile, in Saxony the AfD was narrowly beaten by the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) – but still made major gains. 

You can read our full analysis on the election results and the bigger picture here:

But what do the results mean for immigrants in Germany, particularly those in Thuringia and Saxony? 

How many foreigners live in the states?

Germany’s foreign population is larger in western German cities, but many foreign residents choose eastern regions for different reasons.

For example, there are many universities in eastern states. There are big cities like Leipzig and Dresden and living costs tend to be lower, especially compared to the likes of Berlin, Munich and Hamburg. 

Thuringia is home to around 2.1 million people. In 2023, around 176,500 foreign residents lived in the state, which amounts to 8.3 percent of the population, Statista figures show.

In Saxony, home to about 3.8 million people, 8.1 percent of the population – or 332,400 people – are foreign residents. 

The state or city-state with the highest proportion of non-Germans living there is Berlin, where 20.3 percent of the population is foreign. 

Nationwide, the proportion of foreigners in Germany is 15.2 percent. 

Do the results mean the AfD will enter into power?

The AfD is the strongest force in Thuringia, while in Saxony the party is just behind the CDU. However, it is unlikely that the AfD will govern in either of the states. 

That’s because no other party wants to form a coalition with it, i.e. work together. This is known as the political Brandmauer or firewall.

Coalition governments are the norm in Germany at federal and state level, and mainstream parties have always ruled out collaboration with the far-right.

“Voters know that we do not form coalitions with the AfD,” said Carsten Linnemann, the general secretary of the conservative CDU.

Meanwhile, Chancellor Olaf Scholz, of the Social Democrats (SPD), said: “All democratic parties are now called upon to form stable governments without right-wing extremists.”

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz wears a helmet as he visits the Mining Technology Park and the recultivation of lignite mining in Grosspoesna near Leipzig, eastern Germany, August 30, 2024 ahead of regional elections.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz wears a helmet as he visits the Mining Technology Park and the recultivation of lignite mining in Grosspoesna near Leipzig, eastern Germany, August 30, 2024 ahead of regional elections. Photo by JENS SCHLUETER / AFP

Among the biggest losers of the election were the Greens and the Free Democrats (FDP) who fell short of the five percent threshold to make it into parliament in Thuringia.

Following the results, Madeleine Henfling, the Green party’s top candidate in Thuringia, told The Local her party was dealing with “great disappointment”.

She added: “The strength of the AfD in Thuringia worries me. Above all, because I believe that this will also unleash a mood in Thuringia that may have remained hidden until now.

“It now depends on the democratic parties in the Thuringian state parliament how much power they give the AfD. All democratic forces must deal with this responsibly.”

Even if the party is not in power, the AfD will have more influence, for example by being able to block votes in some cases or shaping the agenda.

Another possible outcome in the medium to long term is that parties in Germany will move further to the right to try and cater for AfD voters – something we’ve arguably seen already on issues such as ‘irregular’ migration. 

Henfling said: “Through its seats in parliament alone, it has a major influence on the formation of political will in the coming years.”

READ ALSO: Why support for the far-right AfD is surging in eastern Germany 

Will foreign residents want to move away from these states?

For people already living in an area with high AfD support, the decision on whether to remain there or leave will be a personal one and many factors will be taken into account. 

But the anti-immigration and anti-Islam rhetoric from the AfD – including from their high profile figures – is loud and clear, and getting more worrying. 

Earlier this year, German news outlet Correctiv exposed a meeting of far-right extremists that took place near Potsdam in November 2023.

The investigation detailed AfD members and other individuals reportedly talking about a concept called ‘remigration’ – which would involve the mass deportation of immigrants and “non-assimilated citizens” from Germany – in the event of the party coming to power.

The party tried to distance itself from the remigration proposals but there was widespread outrage. 

READ ALSO: How worried should Germany be about the far-right AfD after mass deportation scandal?

Henfling, from the Green party in Thuringia, said: “In my opinion, people who do not fit into the AfD’s worldview will have to be particularly careful in the next few years. That makes me sad.”

She urged for communities to show solidarity with people from minorities in the region, and called for more support for anyone facing hostility and attacks.

“In addition, it is important to form networks to offer protection against exclusion and attacks,” she added. 

How valuable are foreign residents to eastern Germany?

Massively so. Apart from helping to promote diversity and boosting populations, there is a huge economic bonus to immigration to eastern Germany. 

A recent study by the German Economic Institute (IW) found the number of foreign employees in the eastern German states is increasing, while Germany-born workers are declining.

In 2023, around 403,000 people without a German passport were working in the five eastern German states, around 173,000 more than just five years previously.

“They alone generated €24.6 billion – equivalent to 5.8 percent of the gross value added in eastern Germany,” said the IW study. 

“Foreign employees are therefore indispensable for the east,” said the IW. “Between 2018 and 2023, the number of German employees shrank by 116,000. Without new foreigners, the economy would have declined noticeably – instead, it has grown.”

Saxony in particular benefited from this, where foreigners generated around €7.9 billion. Brandenburg, with a significantly smaller overall economy, recorded €6.8 billion and Thuringia €3.9 billion. 

In general, Germany is desperate for more skilled workers from abroad to plug the labour shortage. 

READ ALSO: ‘Germany needs you’ – Labour Minister’s plea to skilled workers from India

Are people standing up to the far-right in Germany?

A huge number of people in Germany – from all nationalities and backgrounds – are worried about the growing popularity of far-right politics and have been speaking out or demonstrating about it.  

There have been regular protests against what the AfD stands for across Germany. Even in Erfurt, the capital of Thuringia, thousands of people were on the streets at the weekend.

Politicians, political analysts, cultural figures, community heads and businesses have also been raising concerns and campaigning against the far-right. 

In an unusual move, the supermarket Edeka released an advert last week saying that blue – the AfD’s signature colour – was not a good choice. 

READ ALSO: Inside Germany – Inflation falls, Edeka’s far-right stand and school traditions

Chancellor Scholz called the results “bitter” and “worrying”.

“The AfD is damaging Germany. It is weakening the economy, dividing society and ruining our country’s reputation,” he said.

This shows there is plenty of opposition to the party, which has been classified as a threat to democracy by the office for the protection of the constitution.

But what happens next is something everyone across Germany – especially those with a migration background – will be watching closely. 

With a federal election scheduled for autumn 2025 – where the AfD is currently polling in second place behind the CDU – it remains to be seen how drastically the German political landscape will change. 

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IMMIGRATION

‘Shift to the right’: How European nations are tightening migration policies

The success of far-right parties in elections in key European countries is prompting even centrist and left-wing governments to tighten policies on migration, creating cracks in unity and sparking concern among activists.

'Shift to the right': How European nations are tightening migration policies

With the German far right coming out on top in two state elections earlier this month, the socialist-led national Berlin government has reimposed border controls on Western frontiers that are supposed to see freedom of movement in the European Union’s Schengen zone.

The Netherlands government, which includes the party of Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders, announced on Wednesday that it had requested from Brussels an opt-out from EU rules on asylum, with Prime Minister Dick Schoof declaring that there was an asylum “crisis”.

Meanwhile, new British Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the left-wing Labour Party paid a visit to Rome for talks with Italian counterpart Georgia Meloni, whose party has neo-fascist roots, to discuss the strategies used by Italy in seeking to reduce migration.

Far-right parties performed strongly in June European elections, coming out on top in France, prompting President Emmanuel Macron to call snap elections which resulted in right-winger Michel Barnier, who has previously called for a moratorium on migration, being named prime minister.

We are witnessing the “continuation of a rightward shift in migration policies in the European Union,” said Jerome Vignon, migration advisor at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank.

It reflected the rise of far-right parties in the European elections in June, and more recently in the two regional elections in Germany, he said, referring to a “quite clearly protectionist and conservative trend”.

Strong message

“Anti-immigration positions that were previously the preserve of the extreme right are now contaminating centre-right parties, even centre-left parties like the Social Democrats” in Germany, added Florian Trauner, a migration specialist at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, the Dutch-speaking university in Brussels.

While the Labour government in London has ditched its right-wing Conservative predecessor administration’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda, there is clearly interest in a deal Italy has struck with Albania to detain and process migrants there.

Within the European Union, Cyprus has suspended the processing of asylum applications from Syrian applicants, while laws have appeared authorising pushbacks at the border in Finland and Lithuania.

Under the pretext of dealing with “emergency” or “crisis” situations, the list of exemptions and deviations from the common rules defined by the European Union continues to grow.

All this flies in the face of the new EU migration pact, agreed only in May and coming into force in 2026.

In the wake of deadly attacks in Mannheim and most recently Solingen blamed on radical Islamists, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s government also expelled 28 Afghans back to their home country for the first time since the Taliban takeover of Kabul.

Such gestures from Germany are all the more symbolic given how the country since World War II has tried to turn itself into a model of integration, taking in a million refugees, mainly Syrians in 2015-2016 and then more than a million Ukrainian exiles since the Russian invasion.

Germany is sending a “strong message” to its own public as well as to its European partners, said Trauner.

The migratory pressure “remains significant” with more than 500,000 asylum applications registered in the European Union for the first six months of the year, he said.

‘Climate on impunity’

Germany, which received about a quarter of them alone, criticises the countries of southern Europe for allowing migrants to circulate without processing their asylum applications, but southern states denounce a lack of solidarity of the rest of Europe.

The moves by Germany were condemned by EU allies including Greece and Poland, but Scholz received the perhaps unwelcome accolade of praise from Hungarian right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Moscow’s closest friend in the European Union, when he declared “welcome to the club”.

The EU Commission’s failure to hold countries to account “only fosters a climate of impunity where unilateral migration policies and practices can proliferate,” said Adriana Tidona, Amnesty International’s Migration Researcher.

But behind the rhetoric, all European states are also aware of the crucial role played by migrants in keeping sectors going including transport and healthcare, as well as the importance of attracting skilled labour.

“Behind the symbolic speeches, European leaders, particularly German ones, remain pragmatic: border controls are targeted,” said Sophie Meiners, a migration researcher with the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Even Meloni’s government has allowed the entry into Italy of 452,000 foreign workers for the period 2023-2025.

“In parallel to this kind of new restrictive measures, they know they need to address skilled labour needs,” she said.

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