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Debt, migration and the far-right: The big challenges facing Germany this autumn

German politicians are back in the Bundestag for the new term. From spending worries to deciding who can enter Germany, here are the big issues giving the government sleepless nights.

Berlin's Brandenburg Gate on a sunny morning.
Berlin's Brandenburg Gate on a sunny morning. It's much more stormy in the Bundestag. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Christophe Gateau

The never-ending budget talks

After the coalition somehow managed to piece together a sort-of budget agreement for 2025 at the beginning of summer, many thought (and hoped) the worst of negotiations were behind us. 

But no, this is Germany. And that means that nothing is ever quite that simple, especially when it comes to spending and saving. 

Cracks have emerged in the financing behind the plans, which include funding greater security and societal cohesion, tax relief for residents and businesses, family support, ambitious climate action and accelerated economic growth.

READ ALSO: Kindergeld and tax relief – How Germany’s planned budget could affect you

After last year’s catastrophic constitutional court ruling that threw Germany’s spending plans into disarray resulting in a €60 billion shortfall, the government is keen to avoid any other potential budget disasters. 

But things are still shaky. 

The coalition, dubbed the ‘traffic light’ thanks to the party colours of the Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and Free Democrats (FDP), plans to spend almost €490 billion next year. More than a tenth of that amount – €51.3 billion – will be on credit. They also plan a record investment of €81 billion.

This is all set to happen even though the infamous debt-brake (Schuldenbremse) – a self-imposed cap on annual borrowing at 0.35 percent of the GDP – is back in force. However, the coalition says the proposals comply with the debt brake, which allows new debt to a limited extent in the event of a struggling economy.

READ ALSO: How deep does the German fear of debt go?

Nevertheless, there are doubts as to whether the draft budget is constitutional. The opposition Christian Democrats (CDU), which won the challenge at the constitutional court on spending last year, is talking about the possibility of fresh legal action. 

Finance Minister Christian Lindner (FPD) appeared in the Bundestag this week to defend his plans – and admitted that things were not rosy. 

There is still a financial gap of €12 billion, which the government had not been able to reduce as much as it had planned “despite all our efforts”, admitted Lindner.

Why should all of this matter to residents? Because there will likely be more cuts in the pipeline that will affect services and leave people with less money in their pocket.

Expect a rocky few weeks and months ahead.

A person holds cash in hand.

A person holds cash in hand. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Jan Woitas

Who should be allowed to enter Germany?

It’s been a rough summer for the government. As well as the budget difficulties, another topic at the top of the news agenda is migration policy. 

The government has already been facing mounting pressure to limit the number of migrants arriving in Germany and crack down on extremists after a number of suspected Islamist attacks in recent months. 

Things reached boiling point in August when three people were killed in a knife attack in the western city of Solingen, in which the Syrian suspect was meant to have been deported but escaped law enforcement.

READ ALSO: ‘Ban asylum seekers’ – How Germany is reacting to Solingen attack

As well as tightening the law around carrying knives, Germany also drew up tougher rules for illegal migrants, such as refusing benefits payments.

The government has also vowed to step up deportations of asylum seekers convicted of crimes. Germany returned 28 Afghans late last month for the first time since the Taliban returned to power in August 2021.

This week the German government also said temporary controls will be extended to the internal borders with all nine of its EU neighbours for six months – a move that has seen pushback from the EU and Poland. 

READ ALSO: How Germany’s increased border checks will affect travel from other countries

Despite this, the government is still facing strong criticism from opposition parties, who have been calling for more action to curb irregular migration. This refers to people trying to enter Germany without going through the usual channels like with a visa. 

In an unusual move, Christian Democrat (CDU) leader Christian Merz last month offered to work with Chancellor Olaf Scholz away from his government partners. Merz put forward his own agenda, which included proposing a “national emergency” that could potentially override EU law, and ensure that migrants who have first travelled to another EU country are turned back at the German borders. 

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany 

A cross-party migration summit started this week, but Merz maintained that “it will only work if we really push back on a large scale”.

During the general debate in the Bundestag on Wednesday, the CSU’s Alexander Dobrint was keen to stress the failures of the SPD-led coalition when it comes to migration issues – but he did fail to mention that significantly more migrants arrived in Germany under Angela Merkel’s CDU/CSU-led government. 

Scholz barked back at the conservatives during the debate, accusing them of “talking in slogans” but “not getting anything done”.

Chancellor Olaf Scholz during the general debate on September 11th.

Chancellor Olaf Scholz during the general debate on September 11th. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Kay Nietfeld

The chancellor also defended his government’s migration policy and emphasised the need for immigration to Germany. ‘”There is no country in the world with a shrinking labour force that has economic growth,” he said.

“That is the truth that we are confronted with,” he added, while also emphasising the need for management and control.

With migration at the top of German voters’ minds, this issue will continue to plague the government. 

How will the government handle AfD gains at state elections?

That brings us to the rise of the far-right. Alternative for Germany (AfD) won the most votes in a recent state election in Thuringia, and came a close second (behind the CDU) in Saxony. 

Meanwhile, the left-wing populist Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), a new party to the state ballots, had the third biggest share of votes in both states. 

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

With state elections coming up in Brandenburg on September 22nd – and with the AfD riding high in the polls there – the outlook is bleak for mainstream parties, who have all vowed not to work with the AfD in government and are grappling with how to deal with the BSW, given its populist and often pro-Russian policies. 

For the coalition, things are even worse. Much like in the European elections back in June, the governing parties performed terribly, with the FDP and Greens even missing the five percent threshold to make it into parliament. 

Voters are making their intentions clear: they are angry at the current situation. The question is: will these elections be a wake up call for the government parties ahead of the nationwide election in 2025?

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ANALYSIS: What’s at stake in Germany’s eastern state elections?

After success in Thuringia and Saxony, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) may well come in first in another eastern state election this Sunday. We spoke with a political scientist to analyse what's at stake as Brandenburg goes to the polls.

ANALYSIS: What's at stake in Germany's eastern state elections?

German politics’ “eastern September” is set to finally end Sunday – with more ruminations and reflections likely to come about the recent fortunes of the far-right AfD at the ballot box.

If current polls are anything to go by, the AfD could come in first in the eastern state encircling Berlin – which counts Potsdam as its capital.

After overtaking the governing Social Democrats (SPD) in a recent shock poll, the party is currently at around 28 percent, compared to the SPD on 25 percent. The centre-right Christian Democrats come in at 16 percent in the latest poll and the left-populist Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) – named after its founder – charts in at 14 percent.

The remaining parties come in much lower – with the Greens, Left and liberal Free Democrats all facing possible ejection from the state parliament.

Another victory for the AfD – or even a strong showing should the SPD still manage a narrow surprise win – will certainly boost the far-right’s confidence, after it came in first in Thuringia and second in Saxony earlier this month, following state elections that saw all three of Germany’s federally governing parties take massive losses.

Thuringia and Saxony results will likely hang over Brandenburg on Sunday – with Germany’s governing parties, many everyday Germans, and foreigners all watching with some trepidation. Here’s what to watch out for following the Brandenburg result.

READ ALSO: ‘Political earthquake’ – What the far-right AfD state election win means for Germany 

A newly confident AfD insists it must be part of government

The AfD has repeatedly argued that it must be considered as a possible coalition partner to join German governments – whether at the federal, state, or local level. 

“There are no politics without the AfD,” its co-leader Tino Chrupalla said following the Thuringia results. However, all other parties have explicitly refused to work with the AfD to form a governing coalition – meaning that as high as its results this month have been, they fall well short of the absolute majority that would be required to govern alone.

READ ALSO: ‘We need change’: Germany’s far-right eyes power after state election win

However, its getting more difficult to form coalitions to keep the AfD out, with the centre-right CDU in Thuringia even open to governing with the leftwing populist BSW after mainstream parties like the Greens and FDP were thrown out of state parliament entirely.

University of Mainz political scientist Kai Arzheimer, who specialises in the German far-right, says whether the far-right ever get into a German government or not depends mostly on whether – and how – the CDU is willing to work with the AfD.

Thuringia election results on a screen

People watch the first exit polls results for Thuringia’s state elections come in at the State Parliament in Erfurt on September 1st, 2024. Photo by Joerg CARSTENSEN / AFP

“For the time being, it should be able to form coalitions against the AfD, even if they are rather awkward,” says Arzheimer, who adds that even the different regional chapters of the CDU may have different opinions about working with the AfD.

“Within the eastern state parties of both the CDU and the FDP, there seems to be some appetite for coming to an arrangement with the AfD. While a formal coalition would probably split either party, we have already seen some tentative moves towards an informal cooperation.”

Ultimately, the Brandmauer or “firewall” concept in German politics – in which all other parties refuse to work with the AfD – may end up coming under increasing stress on the back of eastern state election results, where governing with the far-right no longer becomes unthinkable.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

What the mainstream parties take from eastern election results

It’s probably no coincidence that Germany’s ruling government decided to re-institute border controls at its land borders with other EU states shortly after the AfD topped the Thuringia state poll, according to Arzheimer, who says the elections are just the latest in a number of things at work when if comes to Germany’s migration debate.

“The border controls, the plans for the stricter enforcement of repatriation orders, and most of all the government’s harsher rhetoric are as much a reaction to Saxony and Thuringia as they are an attempt to control the fallout from the Solingen knife attack and a response to the whole ‘debate’ on immigration,” he says.

“Many experts seem to agree that they are neither practical nor that useful, and introducing them more or less overnight smacks of a degree of panic.”

READ ALSO: Should foreign residents in Germany be concerned about far-right AfD win?

Polls conducted following the election found that migration and internal security issues were big drivers of the AfD vote – despite these being issues for the national, rather than regional, government. 

Of the AfD voters in Thuringia, more than 70 percent said either migration or crime and internal security played the largest role in influencing their vote. Slightly less than ten percent said social security. Despite the AfD’s pro-Russian views, only three percent of AfD voters in Thuringia said Germany’s support of Ukraine decisively influenced their votes.

Besides the mainstream parties like the SPD reacting with spur-of-the-moment migration policies, the Brandenburg result may end up putting pressure on Chancellor Olaf Scholz from within his own SPD.

Brandenburg SPD’s Dietmar Woidke may still be able to hold onto the premiership, but he has said he will resign if he doesn’t beat the AfD outright. Should he lose, calls may grow louder within the SPD for Scholz to resign himself – or at least declare that he won’t stand as a chancellor candidate again.

READ ALSO: How an explosive row over immigration has divided Germany

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